Friday, 3 July 2009

BBC Conspiracy Files: 7/7 - The view from a non-sceptic of the Official Conspiracy Theory

“I do accept that people want to know exactly what happened, and we will make sure that they do. There will be some five different Select Committee inquiries into the matter. We will bring together all the evidence that we have and publish it, so that people—the victims and others—can see exactly what happened.”

While it might be expected that those who are pejoratively labelled 7/7 'conspiracy theorists', -- owing to little more than their desire to see what Tony Blair promised as "all the evidence that we have" so that they "can see exactly what happened" -- might take issue with the nature, content and intent of the BBC's Conspiracy Files episode regarding 7/7, there appears to be a general perception that it is only 'conspiracy theorists' who would find the 7/7 episode of the Conspiracy Files objectionable.

This, however, is far from the case, as exemplified by one of the most cogent and coherent comments left on the
blog entry of Conspiracy Files producer Mike Rudin where he announced the programme's broadcast.

J7 are in the process of producing our own review of, and response to, the Conspiracy Files episode that we declined to participate in -- a programme that was two years in production and which was still being edited almost up until the time of broadcast. In the meantime, we thoroughly recommend the lucid, concise and highly informative comment made by brynberian on the BBC web site, as reproduced below:

184. At 2:23pm on 02 Jul 2009, brynberian wrote:

I watched The Conspiracy Files programme about the 7/7 bombings on BBC2 on Monday night, and was left disappointed in the standard of journalism therein, and worried by the implications of this lapse in BBC standards.

The series purports to debunk various popular conspiracy theories, in this case the allegations that the 7/7 bombings were carried out not by Islamist suicide bombers as official reports suggest, but by the British Government or Mossad, or both, and that official accounts amount to a cover-up.

I should first point out that I do not personally hold this belief. I dont have access to first hand evidence, but my instinct is that 7/7 was indeed the work of suicide bombers. However I strongly objected to the sloppy manner in which the programme attempted to disprove the conspiracy theory, more akin to political propaganda than investigative journalism.

For a start, when someone levels an accusation against a government, official reports commissioned by that very government cannot constitute evidence for the defence. The evidence needs to come from an independent source. The programme was instead heavily reliant on governmental reports to rebut the claims made by the conspiracy theorists- which weakened its case considerably and made no ground whatsoever in contradicting the allegations. If a source is not trusted, how is more information from that source going to make any difference? It makes no more sense than citing the New Testament as definitive proof to Muslims that Christianity is right. Without independent verification, both parties will simply persist in their mutual mistrust.

Let us suppose (and heaven forbid that this is the case) that the allegations against the government WERE true, that they had orchestrated murder of their own citizens for political gain. In this scenario of course the government would do everything it could to cover its tracks, evidence would be synthesised, false witnesses made to testify, whitewash reports would be produced. We have seen this happening recently in the phony democracies of Iran and Zimbabwe- if our government was as corrupt as these and many similarly unsavoury regimes around the world, such practise would be standard. Therefore, where a governments word is doubted, it is fairly reasonable to assume that cover ups may have taken place. Wed like to think we live in a freer and fairer society than these, yet we can point to many recent instances where our government has been seen to be lying to its people. (We are fortunate indeed to have our relatively free press and media to keep tabs on such things). Regardless of whether these specific allegations are true or false, it is reasonable and objective to question the word of the government. An allegation cannot be refuted simply on the grounds that it dares to do so.

Tony Blairs statement on 7/7 was examined, in particular his seemingly premature claim that those people acted in the name of Islam before any investigation into the atrocity had taken place. What did the programme makers do to reassure us of Blairs innocence? Simply quote the second half of the same sentence; the vast and overwhelming majority of Muslims, here and abroad, are decent and law-abiding people who abhor this act of terrorism every bit as much as we do.

If a statement is accused of being untrustworthy, how can words taken from later in the same sentence constitute any kind of defence?

It is well known that Blair in office was an expert in the art of rhetoric and spin, and could sell any government action, however unpalatable in reality, with cosy politically correct terms. This was commonly used in support of George Bushs War on Terror- championing freedom, democracy, enlightened Western liberal values, womens rights, keeping the world safe from ideas later proved to be fictitious such as Saddams weapons of mass destruction or his alleged ties with Al-Qaeda through expert media manipulation the minds of the public were kept focussed on these things, not on the civilian slaughter that was being carried out.

That Blair on 7/7 made a speech full of reassuring PC terms is hardly remarkable and does nothing to deflect the valid point that he pinned the blame (whether rightly or wrongly) on Islamists before any evidence had been gathered.

Much was made of a certain internet film 7/7 Ripple Effect, revealing its author (using the pseudonym MuadDib) to believe himself to be Jesus Christ. Another conspiracy theorist, who had pointed out a mistake in the governments version of events (forcing the Home Secretary to revise the time of the train the suicide bomber was supposed to have taken), was revealed in the programme to be a holocaust denier. Examples of anonymous threatening letters that had been sent to various people accused in the film were shown, as well as the revelation that it had been distributed to 7/7 survivors, mosques as well as court houses trying alleged 7/7 accomplices.

The viewer was clearly meant to link scepticism of the governments account of 7/7 with Nazism on the one hand, and quasi-religious insanity on the other, as well as the aggressive psychological intimidation characterised by the threatening letters. The implication being that, to question the governments statements on 7/7 is to ally oneself with such people, to become a dangerous social pariah.

What wasnt mentioned was that 7/7 Ripple Effect is in fact rejected by J7, the July 7 Truth Campaign, the main organisation that affiliates those who question the governments account of the bombings. Their website contains a section entitled 7/7 Ripple Effect- a rebuttal and rejection in which MuadDib is strongly criticised for holding offensive anti-Muslim views as well as his wild claims to be the messiah. The page summarises; J7 are not in any way party to the making of the 7/7 Ripple Effect. We do not support the film, its producers, its unsubstantiated conjecture, or the sending of the film to relatives of victims or survivors.

Why then did The Conspiracy Files, a programme with the veneer of investigative journalism, emphasise the work of a rogue lunatic as the main representation of the 7/7 conspiracy theorists position?

The holocaust denier and the threatening letters were the other main points of identification with the 7/7 sceptics. Again, rogue extremists used to represent a position that for the main part encompasses law-abiding, peaceful and rational people who simply question the governments account of the bombings. It is not objective to characterise a movement by its lunatic fringe- otherwise we would regard all animal lovers as letter bombers, all Labour party members as Stalinists, all Tories as fascists, all Catholic priests as paedophiles.

A cursory glance at the J7 website http://www.julyseventh.co.uk/index.html will reveal the attitude of more typical people holding the 7/7 sceptics view. That such people were not represented at all in the Conspiracy Files says much about its objectivity.

The programme reached its climax with the mad old man who uses the name MuadDib being hunted down and confronted, Roger Cook style, by the unseen Conspiracy Files reporter. Why are you bringing the British government into disrepute? he huffily demanded, to a silent response.

A peculiar question, especially now in the wake of the expenses scandal, and almost daily revelations about how the government lied to us on rendition and torture during the Bush/Blair years, not to mention the false WMD claims, and the growing awareness that the evidence on which the case to go to war against Iraq was based was fixed. The government doesnt need a beardy weirdy who thinks hes Jesus to bring it into disrepute, its already doing a splendid job by itself.

As Ive said, I dont personally hold the belief that the 7/7 attacks were government endorsed. Although disillusioned with the governments recent conduct, I believe in our democracy. But I can only sympathise with anyone who is suspicious of the governments official line, as its moral credibility is so thin.

Instead of what amounted to pro government propaganda, the programme should have asked the really important question- whether true or false, why are such allegations so easy to believe?

The fact is that in matters pertaining to the War on Terror, not to mention in other well known areas of misconduct, the government has been seen to behave deceitfully. This, compounded with a massive civilian death toll to account for, makes it unsurprising that such conspiracy theories flourish. It will take more than official reports, or tabloid TV such as this misguided programme, to change that.

Perhaps the effort and money that went into making this programme could have instead been directed towards finding independent verification that the four men in the martyrdom videos were indeed the alleged four attackers, that the CCTV footage of them is accurate beyond doubt, that the still image of bomb making equipment at their flat is accurate. All this would go much further in disproving the allegations against the government than the flimsy arguments and rhetoric of The Conspiracy Files ever could.

If anything Im more sceptical of the governments position than before I witnessed this debunking. If the programme makers were so sure of their argument, why did they resort to such shoddy tricks and claptrap? With truth on ones side, objective language and enquiry will do. Facts need not be concealed. One can afford to give examination to the strengths as well as weaknesses of the opponents argument.

The standard of reportage and objectivity at the BBC is normally exemplary. I am therefore astonished that they have offered us this affront to journalism.

Friday, 26 June 2009

BBC2 Conspiracy Files and the Official Conspiracy Theory

"Is the Kennedy assassination conspiracy just a lot of hoopla kicked up by "conspiracy buffs"? Most of the independent investigators I have met seem to be serious politically literate people. Their struggle to arrive at the truth is not impelled by a love of conspiracies but by a concern for the political and historic importance of the case. They seek the truth no matter how dirty it might be. That process of confronting the machinations of the national security state is not a conspiracy hobby. It is an essential part of the struggle for democracy."

-- Dr Michael Parenti
from The JFK Assassination, Defending the Gangster State

At 9pm on Tuesday 30th June, we will have the opportunity to watch the BBC's 7/7 Conspiracy Files episode which was delayed due to the retrial of the 3 accused of helping to plan the events in London on 7th July 2005. Despite two trials, which showed for the first time unreleased CCTV and other evidence of these events, the jury found the three accused, Ali, Shakil and Saleem, not guilty of the charges.

Some argued that if the four accused of bombing London were in fact innocent, then their three close friends, Ali Shakil & Saleem, would have challenged the evidence shown and protested that the Official Conspiracy Theory (which, to date, and without any conclusive proof, is all the State's version remains), was false. This is a flawed argument, because if the three knew nothing about the plot, they could hardly argue in their defence that it didn't happen the way we have been told. Yet, while anything other than the official 'narrative' of events is derided as a 'conspiracy theory', it was nothing less than a 'conspiracy theory' which formed the basis of the prosecution's case.

J7 have always maintained that the most dangerous Conspiracy Theories and Conspiracy Theorists are those propagated by the State itself, contained within its laws and its actions against those that it chooses to prosecute and imprison, as evidenced in these excerpts from the trial of Ali, Shakil and Saleem:
"In his closing speech to the jury, Henry Blaxland QC, defending Ali, likened the prosecution allegations to the fairy story of the Emperor's New Clothes.

'In the parable, the people are afraid to undermine the status quo by questioning the Emperor,' he said.

'The status of these allegations - the killing of 52 people - put before you with the full weight of the Crown Prosecution Service behind it is such that some of you might have some reticence in saying the simple and obvious thing - that it can be proved beyond reasonable doubt is ludicrous.


'The prosecution case is entirely devoid of anything that could be described as reliable evidence and is an exercise in speculation - the prosecution could not decide which way to jump.

'It is straight out of 'Alice through the Looking Glass' when the Queen says to Alice 'you have sentence first, trial later.'

He went on to describe the 'fundamental implausibility' of the theory that Ali, Saleem and Shakil travelled to London seven months before the devastating attacks to scout out possible targets.

He said: 'The prosecution say that the picture that emerges from the phone data is so compelling, but it is strangely quite the contrary.

'The records are positively inconsistent with this.

'Only a hardened conspiracy theorist with an inflexible mindset could squeeze a sinister interpretation out of the phone records.

'They present you with tantalising puzzle and it would be easy for your imagination to get the better of you.'
Andrew Hall QC, representing Sadeer Saleem, told Kingston Crown Court that the case against the three men was
'utterly implausible' and described it as 'a conspiracy theory that the prosecution have been prepared to pursue to the bitter end.'
The Judge in his closing remarks to the jury said:
.. the men claim in their defence they are victims of a 'conspiracy theory without foundation.'

J7 is somewhat dubious as to the ability of the BBC to do justice to the considerable body of evidence which questions the Official Conspiracy Theory (as outlined with little actual evidence in the twice amended official report of the London bombings produced by the Home Office in May 2006) preferring instead to set-up straw men which are easily knocked down. With the participation of Nick Kollerstrom they will also be able to add 'holocaust denial' to the list of reasons why 'conspiracy theorists are dangerous and must be avoided at all costs'. J7's honest, principled and reasoned refusal to participate in this sham of a 'documentary' -- if previous outings of the Conspiracy Files are anything to go -- can be read here.

Will the BBC 7/7 Conspiracy Files address, or attempt to answer, any of the following questions:

Will the BBC's Mike Rudin and Tristan Quinn examine the nature of the explosives?

Or how Germaine Lindsay, on the 'packed to capacity' Piccadilly Line train, was able to scatter both his ID around the carriage and place a large backpack on the floor of the train before detonating the explosives?
The bombers scattered identity and bank cards around the Tube carriages they targeted before placing their rucksacks on the floor and setting off the explosives inside them, jurors heard.

Or, how these two women were able to exit the Piccadilly Line train 'within 3 to 4 minutes' whereas the most famous and vociferous survivor of 7/7 Ms Rachel 'North' (who will no doubt make an appearance to castigate those who dare to question these events) claims in her BBC diary: “After about 20 to 30 minutes we started to leave the train.”



Or, why the Metropolitan Police claimed that 3 trains were involved in the Edgware Road incident and that a 'hole was blown through a tunnel wall'?

Or, how the boot of a Nissan Micra:



was able to contain:

+



Or, how 'Supergrass' Mohammed Junaid Babar, after undoubtedly coming to the attention of the world's Security Services, was still able to freely travel between the UK and Pakistan to apparently meet with Khan, Khawaja and Khyam.

Or, examine the role played by ex-SBS anti-terrorist operative, Martin 'Abdullah' McDaid in running the Iqra bookshop in Beeston Leeds.

Or, re-interview Richard Jones, an individual given considerable air-time by the BBC, who has given many and varied versions of what he claims to have seen aboard the number 30 bus which means that, at best, he is an extremely unreliable witness. Furthermore, none of his accounts bear any relation to Hasib Hussain.

Or, why no CCTV has been released that shows any of the 4 accused approaching the underground platforms, on the underground platforms or boarding the trains or the number 91 or 30 bus.

One of the released CCTV images of the 4 together leaving KX Thameslink Station (noticeably not the 'iconic' hugging that the Official Conspiracy Theory claims occurred).

Or, why Hasib Hussain would have known his detonator was malfunctioning if he hadn't already boarded a train and attempted to detonate his explosive, thus necessitating a return to King's Cross to purchase a battery.

Or, how young David Foulkes tragically died on a train that had left Edgware Road station, when he should have left the train at Edgware Road station after having arranged to meet a colleague there and, according to his father, travelling the three stops from Euston station.

Or, why Scotland Yard denied the fact of a second controlled explosion on the Number 30 bus.

Or, why none of the drivers of the 3 trains that were involved that day have been interviewed, named or honoured. On the contrary, the driver of the Piccadilly Line train, Tom Nairn, was refused compensation on the grounds that the 'police had no record of him'.

Or, any of the endless list of unanswered questions, anomalies and inconsistencies detailed in the following articles:

Mike Rudin justifies the forthcoming episode of the Conspiracy Files on this basis:
... I also think it is important to investigate the conspiracy theories that continue to develop around 7 July attacks, because they play on the fears of the Muslim community and spread a highly divisive and damaging message.
We would argue that it is the constant demonisation of the Muslim community, the endless arrests and prosecutions, some for no more than possession of a CD, and the abundance of hideous anti-Muslim propaganda that hinges on the official conspiracy theory about how 7th July 2005 came to be, that really spread 'a highly divisive and damaging message'.

Whatever negative picture the BBC set out to paint of those who question the government about the events of 7/7 -- something we do in precisely the same way that campaigners and activists who challenge the government over the reasoning and justifications for the illegal invasion and occupation of Iraq, ID cards, MP expenses, or indeed any other issue that impacts upon the entire population -- J7 will remain exactly what we say we are, a Truth Campaign.

We have campaigned for the truth about the events of 7th July 2005 for nearly four years, and we will continue to do so until such time as the truth is known. Unless there is evidence in the public domain that proves conclusively the Official Conspiracy Theory, then it remains a conspiracy theory, as outlandish as any other, and we will continue to (in keeping with Henry Blaxland's defence) "question the emperor" even if it does "undermine the status quo".

We leave the last words to Omar Khyam, Anthony Garcia, Waheed Mahmood, Jawad Akbar, and Salahuddin Amin, as spoken by lawyer Imran Khan outside the Old Bailey at the end of the Operation Crevice trial.
This was a prosecution driven by the security services, able to hide behind a cloak of secrecy, and eager to obtain ever greater resources and power to encroach on individual rights.

There was no limit to the money, resources and underhand strategies that were used to secure convictions in this case.

This case was brought in an atmosphere of hostility against Muslims, at home, and abroad. One stoked by this government throughout the course of this case.

This prosecution involved extensive intrusion upon personal lives, not only ours, but our families and friends.

Coached witnesses were brought forward. Forced confessions were gained through illegal detention, and torture abroad. Threats and intimidation was used to hamper the truth. All with the trial judge seemingly intent to assist the prosecution almost every step of the way.

These were just some of the means used in the desperate effort to convict. Anyone looking impartially at the evidence would realise that there was no conspiracy to cause explosions in the UK, and that we did not pose any threat to the security of this country.

It is not an offence to be young, Muslim and angry at the global injustices against Muslims.

Sunday, 17 May 2009

The nature of the explosives: from C4 to powdered masala spice

On 28 April 2009 Wahid Ali, Mohammed Shakil and Sadeer Saleem were found not guilty of conspiracy to cause explosions at their second trial at Kingston Crown Court. They had been accused of carrying out a hostile reconnaissance of London tourist sites on 16/17 December 2004. BBC2's Newsnight carried a report of the acquittal. Richard Watson claimed that the main charge of the 7/7 bombs was a mixture of concentrated hydrogen peroxide and powdered masala spice. At both the first and the second trial Clifford Todd of the Forensic Explosives Laboratory at Fort Halsted in Kent had testified that the bombs were made with ground black pepper. However, according to his testimony on 2 May 2008, no pepper residue was detected at any of the four bomb sites.



For about a week after 7 July 2005, media reports, now hard to find, mentioned the military explosives RDX and its plasticised version, C4. With the discovery of an alleged bomb factory at 18, Alexandra Grove in Burley, Leeds and IEDs at Luton Station carpark, the talk turned to TATP, triacetone triperoxide, or HMTD, hexamethylene triperoxide diamine. Official sources were guarded. The Home Office narrative spoke only of home-made explosives while the ISC went only so far as to specify organic peroxides. For more detail, see The Changing Type of Explosives Used.

At the 21/7 trial chapatti flour and pepper were introduced.

The bombs that failed to explode in London on 21 July 2005 were almost identical to the ones that killed 52 people on the transport network two weeks earlier. But why didn't they go off?

Investigators spent many hours examining the devices used on 21 July and comparing them with the 7 July bombs.

There was only one minor difference - the 7/7 bombers mixed ground pepper into the mixture while the gang two weeks later used chapatti flour.

But Dr Stuart Black, an explosives expert who gave evidence at the trial, said that was not the reason the devices failed to explode.
....
Two theories were offered at the trial at Woolwich Crown Court.

The plot's prime mover, Muktar Ibrahim, himself suggested the device would not explode because he had deliberately diluted it with tap water.
....
But the prosecution offered another view.
....
Hydrogen peroxide is well known among experts as a potential bomb ingredient- but only if used in the correct concentration.

Source: BBC
The 21/7 bomb makers failed to achieve the required concentration whereas the 7/7 chemists apparently did.

Given that pepper was mentioned at three trials, it is surprising that Richard Watson neglected to mention that fact when he claimed that the main charge was masala. Web searches have failed to turn up any reference to masala in connection with 7/7. However, the doyenne of J7 researchers found that during the first '7/7 helpers' trial two '7/7 shopping lists', found at 18 Alexandra Grove, had been presented in evidence and released by the Metropolitan Police Service.


There are three occurrences of masala here: masala/citric, masala + citric and masala (15kg).
Citric acid is used as a catalyst in the preparation of HMTD.


There is one mention here: Dews MASALA (Dews = Dewsbury).

Pepper does not appear in these lists and yet was found in the Burley flat.
'Bomb materials' in 7/7 plot flat
Kingston Crown Court heard explosive materials were found scattered in "disarray" across various rooms at 18 Alexandra Grove, Beeston, which the jury heard was the "principle" site for the construction of the bombs detonated on the London transport network.

The jury, who were shown pictures from inside the flat, heard containers of a mixture of black pepper and hydrogen peroxide, used as the main charge for the bombs, were found sitting in the bath and traces of high explosive HMTD were on the cooker in the kitchen.

They also heard that the floor of the lounge in the flat was covered with bags of clothing and other items including heavy-duty gloves, masking tape, a rucksack and containers full of a "brown sludge", which was the pepper and chemical mix.

Empty bags of ground black pepper were found along with ice-cube bags and ice packs in the kitchen, which the court was told were used to keep the devices cool.

And plastic trays containing bicarbonate of soda and citric acid were also discovered.

Source: BBC
This seems to match up with the explosives found in the Nissan Micra at Luton station car park.
Details of July 7 'bomb factory' disclosed
Four intact nail bombs were discovered in a Nissan Micra left at Luton airport [sic], Kingston Crown Court heard, along with four containers of bomb-mixture and four detonators.

However, the images released by ABC News, accompanying this story on 27 July 2005 show only white explosives. There were no brown sludge bombs at Luton. There were no white mixtures at Alexandra Grove.

The Counter Terrorism Command of the Metropolitan Police Service has searched several other suspected bomb factories. Traces of explosive were reportedly found at Mohammad Sidique Khan's Dewsbury house and at 111 Chapeltown Road, Leeds.

The sum of £100 million spent on Operation Theseus has failed to establish the nature of the explosives used on 7 July 2005.

Tuesday, 28 April 2009

Another miscarriage of justice averted by brave jury: Alleged "7/7 helpers" cleared and found Not Guilty

"Injustice upon injustice, many others in a similar position || have not been so lucky."

-- Lawyer, Imran Khan

The second trial of the so-called "7/7 helpers" reached its conclusion today. Waheed Ali, 25, Sadeer Saleem, 28, and Mohammed Shakil, 32, were all cleared of the charges of assisting in 7/7 at Kingston Crown Court. After nearly seven days of deliberation a jury of seven men and five women cleared the 3 accused of helping to plan the events of 7th July 2005.

The not guilty verdict comes as little surprise given the QC for the prosecution, Neil Flewitt, was reduced to admitting that the case centred on purely circumstantial evidence, circumstantial evidence which he alleged created a compelling picture of guilt. Aside from perhaps wondering when circumstantial evidence suddenly become "a compelling picture of guilt", the brave jury appears to have thought the "compelling picture" was far from conclusive.

The prosecution failed to do so much as produce CCTV footage which purported to show the three men on the alleged "hostile reconnaissance mission" and, furthermore, no proof, nor even any evidence, was produced to support the notion that the accused had even been on the underground during the sightseeing visit to London.

Andy Hayman, the former Deputy Assistant Commissioner of the Metropolitan Police -- who was forced to resign from his senior position with the police ranks after various improprieties came to light about his claiming large amounts of cash in expenses for trips abroad with a woman police sergeant -- said:

"The end of this trial probably represents the last throw of the dice for the police investigation into 7/7. It is extremely frustrating to reach this milestone knowing that people who aided and abetted the murders of 52 innocent people remain at large. || But at the end of that investigation the evidence that could be put before the court was largely circumstantial. That was the only evidence that was found because, perhaps, that was the only evidence there was to be found."

A report on the verdict by the BBC suggests that the decision "raises questions about the evidence gathered in one of the largest investigations ever run by Scotland Yard." In the almost four years that have passed since 7/7, the State has touted a factually inaccurate and twice amended Official Report issued by the Home Office, questionable investigative tactics by the police, and a prosecution brought by the Crown Prosecution Service on the basis of what was known to be purely circumstantial evidence.

Following the verdicts lawyer Imran Khan issued a statement on behalf of Sadeer Saleem, calling for an inquiry into why the prosecution was brought. J7 fully support Sadeer Saleem's call for an inquiry into why this prosecution was brought. Video below courtesy of the BBC.




J7 also fully supports the demand by the bereaved for fully open and public inquests for the victims to be held immediately, before the new Coroners and Justice bill passes through Parliament.

Reporting restrictions that were imposed on the trial have now been lifted and J7 expect further information to be revealed about the trial proceedings, the events alleged to have occurred on 7/7, and the wealth of links and interconnections between various alleged terror plots and individuals.

When considered in conjunction with the lies told in the ongoing attempts to cover up the hitherto unknown truth about various events in July 2005, including 7/7, 21/7 and the murder of Jean Charles de Menezes, today's verdict raises yet more questions about the behaviour of the government, police and 'security' services. More recently we have witnessed: The rioting police brutality tactics that led to the death of Ian Tomlinson at the London G20 protests, complete with a stream of lies from the police, the IPCC and even the coroners; and the high-profile, armed mass-arrests of 12 Pakistani students against whom the most compelling piece of evidence appeared to be a bag of sugar, all of whom were eventually released without charge and immediately threatened with deportation.

Consequently, one might begin to suspect that the UK has fallen victim to something of a dictatorial State in which any and all members of the general public are guilty, to be held accountable until they can prove themselves innocent, while provably mendacious and guilty public officials are barely even challenged, much less ever justly held to account for their actions.

For updates on the verdict as they happen, please see the J7 People's Investigation Forum thread.

J7 again reiterates its call for an independent public inquiry, to be held outside of the remit of the shameful Inquiries Act 2005, and once again calls on the government and police to Release the Evidence which they continue to claim provides "a compelling picture of guilt" for those that stand accused of being responsible for the events of 7th July 2005.

Please show your support for J7's campaign for truth and justice and sign the J7 Release The Evidence petition.

Wednesday, 4 March 2009

J7 Exclusive: Interview with political prisoner Hussain Al-Samamra

For almost a decade the British government has been engaging in the practice of arbitrarily detaining people, predominantly Muslims, whilst preventing them, and their legal representatives, from knowing exactly what they are accused of doing. The government awarded itself new anti-terror laws and the right to carry out detentions without charge or trial after the September 11th 2001 attacks in the U.S.A. Tony Blair frankly admitted in 2007:
"In the aftermath of such an outrage it was relatively easy to do.

We gave ourselves the ability, in exceptional circumstances, to detain foreign nationals who we believed were plotting terrorism but against whom there was insufficient evidence to prosecute."
In cases where there is insufficient evidence to prosecute, it logically follows that there is insufficient evidence for for a successful prosecution to occur. If there is insufficient evidence to prosecute, then it is entirely reasonable to deduce that the allegations are baseless and invalid.

Hussain Al-Samamra is a Jordanian of Palestinian extraction and is one of many individuals who have suffered the torture of this legislation, having arrived in Britain in 2001 and finding himself under arrest twice, in 2004 and 2006. On both occasions being told no more than he was a "threat to national security" yet no charges were brought and no evidence to support the accusations was produced. Hussain spent two years in prison following his second arrest and now lives within the confines of Immigration Bail.

In this exclusive interview, Hussain describes life under the oppressive shadow of being labelled a "terror suspect" without being allowed to know on what evidence, if any, this suspicion is based, thereby making it impossible for him defend himself against any allegations.

Read the full interview with political prisoner Hussain Al-Samamra here.

[Picture above shows a meticulous Andalucian mosque made of matchsticks which took Hussain al-Samamra months to build, as exhibited at CAPTIVATED: The Art of the Interned]

Tuesday, 13 January 2009

J7 Response to Paul Stott's paper: Half Truth Movement: How The 9/11 Cult Falsifies History

On 1st September 2008 Paul Stott, via his 9/11 CultWatch blog announced that he, along with Dr. Larry O'Hara, would be presenting papers to the Anarchist Studies Network Conference at Loughborough University. Stott's effort was entitled “Half Truth Movement: How The 9/11 Cult Falsifies History”. The following was written in response to Stott's paper, in particular, the following paragraph directly aimed at the July 7th Truth Campaign:

The main body pushing for 7/7 ‘truth’ is the July 7 Truth Campaign which runs the website http://www.julyseventh.co.uk/. Given its lineage, it is no surprise that 7/7 truth has been dogged by many of the problems that have effected (sic) the 9/11 ‘truth’ movement. The presence in London on the day of 7/7 of both Israeli politician Benjamin Netanayu and former New York Mayor Rudi Giuliani, plus the perceived involvement of an “Israeli company” in running security on the London Underground, was a heady brew, leading to all manner of crank theories, although depth is another matter.

Stott fails to enlighten us as to what he understands the 'lineage' of the July 7th Truth Campaign to be. Despite this, it is clear from his paper that what he describes as 'being dogged by many of the problems that have effected (sic) the 9/11 'truth' movement', translates as, 'any mention of Israel or Mossad will be viewed as anti-Semitism'. He also fails to back up his accusation regarding 'all manner of crank theories'. For the record, The July 7th Truth Campaign choose not to speculate on alternative theories, preferring to focus on the few verifiable facts that exist, while maintaining pressure on the State to present evidence which conclusively proves the 'official conspiracy theory' as outlined in the Home Office narrative. Stott's paper, rather than offer any sort of insightful analysis, has instead exposed his own methodology, a methodology which involves smears, insinuations and unfounded accusations rather than an honest examination and analysis of the facts.

There is only one reason that Israel and Mossad are examined by J7 in connection to the facts of the events in London on 7th July 2005 and that is: we cannot avoid examining these areas if we are to conduct a comprehensive, factual and forensic analysis of these events.

Verint

Stott adds this footnote to the 'Israeli company' running security on the London Underground:

The company concerned, Verint Systems Inc, was appointed in 2004 by Metronet to provide CCTV on parts of the Underground. They are an American company, with headquarters in New York. Truthers suggest it is a subsidiary of Israel's Comverse Technology, and therefore infer Israeli involvement in the attacks.

Verint are in fact a subsidiary of scandal-riven, Comverse Technology, a company started in Israel and with close ties to the Israeli government. This fact can be easily and readily accessed via an impeccable source, the Verint web site, where it states: “Verint is a subsidiary of Comverse Technology, Inc. (NASDAQ: CMVT).”

Why does Stott choose to claim Verint have no links to Israel?

Furthermore, the business practices of Verint's parent company Comverse, have been some cause for consternation for many, including the U.S. Department of Justice and the Securities and Exchange Commission. As have their operating procedures - Comverse came under scrutiny in a Fox News investigation into the wire-tapping systems provided by the company to the US Government:

'Congress insists the equipment it installs is secure. But the complaint about this system is that the wiretap computer programs made by Comverse have, in effect, a back door through which wiretaps themselves can be intercepted by unauthorized parties.

Adding to the suspicions is the fact that in Israel, Comverse works closely with the Israeli government, and under special programs, gets reimbursed for up to 50 percent of its research and development costs by the Israeli Ministry of Industry and Trade. But investigators within the DEA, INS and FBI have all told Fox News that to pursue or even suggest Israeli spying through Comverse is considered career suicide.'

The investigative approach of Stott would seem to dictate that everyone ignore Verint's role in the operation of security systems on the London Underground, purely on the basis that to examine this aspect would be in some way 'anti-Semitic'. Quite clearly, and by their own admission, Verint are indeed linked to the Israeli firm with questionable business practices, Comverse, and Verint were indeed awarded a 'security' contract for the London Underground. Despite the as plain as day evidence existing to sound alarm bells about both the business and financial practices of Comverse, the company of which Verint is a wholly owned subsidiary, this can -- by the same logic Stott presented to the Anarchist Studies Network conference -- be entirely ignored.

A recent Counterpunch investigation into Verint, “How Israeli Backdoor Technology Penetrated the U.S. Government's Telecom System and Compromised National Security” and entitled “An Israeli Trojan Horse” also reveals how any examination of this issue by the CIA or FBI leads to Stott-like accusations of anti-Semitism:

Another anonymous source – a former CIA operative – tells me that U.S. intelligence agents who have aired their concerns about Verint and Amdocs have found themselves attacked from all sides. “Once it’s learned that an individual is doing footwork on this [the Verint/Amdocs question], he or she is typically identified somehow as a troublemaker, an instigator, and is hammered mercilessly,” says the former CIA operative. “Typically, what happens is the individual finds him or herself in a scenario where their retirement is jeopardized – and worse. The fact that if you simply take a look at this question, all of a sudden you’re an Arabist or anti-Semitic – it’s pure baloney, because I will tell you first-hand that people whose heritage lies back in that country have heavily worked this matter. You can’t buy that kind of dedication.”

Verint is by no means the only private company involved in the operation of the London transport system and other such companies are duly highlighted by J7 and afforded similar examination. We also highlight the fact that Transport for London was in the charge of no lesser mortal than the ex-Deputy Assistant to the Director of the CIA, Robert Kiley. Further detail about the private organisations involved in the running of essential public transport services are included in the Private Companies involved in London Transport section of the J7 web site.

It is deeply ironic that, as well as challenging the State in its various guises, challenging the dominance and stranglehold of private organisations on public life was once a core political activity among left-wing and anarchist groupuscules. As was examining the actions and nature of the racist and apartheid State of Israel once possible without the unfounded smear of anti-Semitism.

Binyamin Netanyahu

Another 'fact' that cannot be ignored by J7, or anyone else researching the events of 7th July 2005, is what Stott refers to as the 'presence in London on the day of 7/7 of .. Benjamin Netanyu' (sic). Far from Netanyahu's mere presence in London being of concern, the reason Netanyahu features in our analysis at all is as a direct consequence of it being claimed that he received a warning prior to the attacks.

The facts are that Netanyahu was due to attend the Tel-Aviv Stock Exchange / Deutsche Bank Conference in the Great Eastern Hotel in Liverpool Street station (the site of the first explosion) but a prior warning (later denied by Scotland Yard) meant he remained in his hotel in Russell Square, close to the sites of two further explosions.

"The Israeli Embassy in London was notified in advance, resulting in Finance Minister Binyamin Netanyahu remaining in his hotel room rather than make his way to the hotel adjacent to the site of the first explosion, a Liverpool Street train station, where he was to address an economic summit.”

Furthermore, the same article also notes:

"The Israeli Embassy were quick to deny that this conference could have been the target for such an attack. Israeli officials stress the advanced Scotland Yard warning does not in any way indicate Israel was the target in the series of apparent terror attacks."

Some questions worth asking, irrespective of whether an Independent Public Inquiry, outside of the pernicious Inquiries Act 2005, is ever held to investigate the events of 7/7:

  • Was the Israeli Embassy issued a warning prior to the attacks?

  • If so, who issued the warning?

  • How did the Israeli Embassy know that this conference was not the target for such an attack?

  • If the Israeli Embassy did not receive prior warning, how did the story about notification come to be, where did the idea that Israel was the target originate, and which “Israeli official” denied this to be the case?

If anyone were to take Stott's article seriously, possible foreknowledge and forewarnings about 7/7 which had the potential to save the lives of innocent commuters should be ignored and nobody should be asking or demanding answers to questions such as those listed above.

Ex-Mossad Chief, Efraim Halevi

Another Israeli/Mossad connection which cannot be ignored is the article by ex-Mossad Chief Efraim Halevi published on the day and ominously titled, "Rules of Conflict for a World War", in which he presciently announced:

The multiple, simultaneous explosions that took place today on the London transportation system were the work of perpetrators who had an operational capacity of considerable scope.

There was careful planning, intelligence gathering, and a sophisticated choice of timing as well as near-perfect execution. We are faced with a deadly and determined adversary who will stop at nothing and will persevere as long as he exists as a fighting terrorist force.

It is impossible to know how Halevi was able to claim 'near-perfect execution' on the day, particularly when the timings of the blasts were being reported as anything but simultaneous, but instead taking place over the course of an hour. The last MPS press release issued at 19.15 on the day of 7/7 claimed:

"There follows an outline of this morning's events:

At 08.51 on 7 July at Liverpool Street Station there was an explosion in a train carriage 100 yards into the (Liverpool Street-bound station) tunnel.

At 08.56 there was another incident at King's Cross / Russell Square. Both stations were used to bring out casualties.

At 09.17 there was an explosion on a train coming into Edgware Road underground station approximately 100 yards into the tunnel. This explosion blew through a wall onto another train on an adjoining platform.

Three trains are believed to have been involved.

At 09.47 there was an explosion on a bus at Upper Woburn Square junction with Tavistock Place.

It wasn't until a press conference held two days later, on 9th July 2005, that Tim O'Toole claimed the underground explosions happened "almost simultaneously", within 50 seconds of each other at approx. 8.50am. Oddly, recently released CCTV from Liverpool Street purporting to show the explosion is time-stamped 07.46.58, over an hour before the alleged and revised timings of the explosions.

In March 2005 Halevi, a senior adviser to the US Middle East Project Inc., had been appointed to the Advisory Board of Quest, a UK based Risk Management and Investigation company. The Chairman of Quest is Sir John Stevens, ex-Commissioner of the Metropolitan Police. Stevens was also the first person to declare in his column for the News of The World on 10th July 2005 that the 7/7 attacks were carried out by British citizens, some two days before the first raids were carried out by police in West Yorkshire. In his News of the World article, Lord Stevens of Kirkwhelpington, who retired as Metropolitan Police Commissioner in January 2005 and whose tenure would have overseen the Operation Crevice investigation and its alleged connections to the alleged 7/7 bombers, described the likely suspects as:

"apparently-ordinary British citizens, young men conservatively and cleanly dressed and probably with some higher education. Highly computer literate, they will have used the internet to research explosives, chemicals and electronics," "They are also willing to kill without mercy - and to take a long time in their planning. They are painstaking, cautious, clever and very sophisticated."

Furthermore, to ignore the history of what are now well-documented false-flag operations, and to ignore Mossad's previous roles in 'false-flag' operations in the UK would be little short of foolish.

In 1988, 28 year old Ismael Sowan, a research assistant at Humberside College of Higher Education, was discovered by British police to be in possession of a large quantity of arms and explosives. Sowan was working for Mossad, the Israeli intelligence agency. Mossad's plan was that Sowan would let off bombs in Britain that would leave sufficient forensic clues to suggest that they were the work of Moslem countries and thus damage Anglo-Arab relations. Sowan had been run by a five man Mossad team operating in Britain under the cover of a private company with the tacit approval of the Foreign Office and MI5. After the discoveries by the police the Foreign Office felt it had to ask the Mossad team to leave the country.

It would appear to be of no concern to Stott that Halevi and Stevens seem to have been several steps ahead of both the police investigation and the unfolding official narrative. J7, however, feel that such items warrant far greater investigation than Stott's instant dismissal.

Rudy Giuliani

Along with dismissing the presence in London of Netanyahu as unworthy of further investigation, Stott would rather ignore the presence of Rudy Giuliani, the former mayor of New York, in charge at the time of the 11th September 2001 attacks, who happened to be at Liverpool Street that day. Not only was Giuliani in Liverpool Street but he also claims he was told immediately that the explosions were caused by bombs. The first news about explosions on the underground broke at 09:17 for lesser mortals than Rudy, including those travelling on London's public transport system, and even then the explosions were only claimed to be the product of 'power surges':

"I was right near Liverpool [Street] Station when the first bomb went off and was notified of it and it was just to me very eerie to be right there again when one of these attacks takes place."

Giuliani happened to be fresh from a speech he had given, in return for the princely sum of £50,000, about the 'battle against terrorism' and his admiration for Blair and Bush to the LGA conference in Harrogate, North Yorkshire, just the day before, in which he claimed:

"... terrorists were too often released in the past by governments because they were afraid of them, comparing it to the mistakes made in the 1930s over Hitler.

"I think their determined response to it, against public opinion very often, has helped keep us safe and I think if they had been more typical of some of our politicians, they would have shifted because of public opinion which would have been disastrous." He added: "I have great respect for their setting a very determined policy as regard to terrorism, sticking with it when it became unpopular and I credit the fact we have been able to reduce terrorism to what they have done."

Outlining his views on the common enemy in 2006 and warning of another attack on America, Giuliani stated:

"You cannot negotiate with them. These are not people — they have demonstrated to us that they despise us. They hate us. They want to kill us. And they want to kill us because we're a modern society. They want to kill us because we give women rights. They want to kill us because we have freedom of religion. They want to kill us because we have elected officials. They want to kill us because we're modern and we can't give that up.”

Wayne Barrett, one of America's great investigative journalists, depicts Giuliani as a cruel, unstable, destructive hypocrite, a man judged by the press to be barely human and inwardly empty. Barrett also investigated Giuliani's business links to Qatar, and in particular, to Qatari Interior Minister, Sheikh Abdullah (Abdallah) bin Khalid Al Thani and thus, Al-Jazeera. Barrett writes:

Abdallah al-Thani remains a named defendant in the 9/11 lawsuits that are still proceeding in Manhattan federal court, but his Washington lawyers declined to address the charges that he shielded KSM, insisting only that he never "supported" any "terrorist acts." Asked if Abdallah al-Thani ever supported any terrorists rather than their acts, his lawyer David Nachman declined to comment further. The Congressional Research Service report summarized the evidence against him: "According to the 9/11 Commission Report and former U.S. government officials, royal family member and current Qatari Interior Minister, Sheikh Abdullah (Abdallah) bin Khalid Al Thani, provided safe harbor and assistance to Al Qaeda leaders during the 1990s," including KSM.

In the same article Barrett also mentions Ali Soufan:

Peter Boyer, whose New Yorker profile of Giuliani appeared this August, quoted D'Amuro and Giuliani about the expertise and work of Ali Soufan, an Arabic-speaking Lebanese-American who also left the FBI to become the international director of Giuliani Security. Both D'Amuro and Giuliani said that Soufan, the lead investigator in the bombing of the U.S.S. Cole in 2000, had been spending "most of his time" in a Persian Gulf country that is a Giuliani client. Boyer didn't identify the country, but another source familiar with Soufan's assignment has confirmed that Soufan has, until recently, been based in Qatar. "The firm has helped the country with training, and with a revamping of its security infrastructure," Boyer wrote. "The locale is an ideal listening post for someone whose expertise is unraveling the tangle of international terror."

Ali Soufan was an FBI agent, accused of entrapment in this sting operation:

Sabir's defense lawyer has cried entrapment. The accused himself later testified he had no idea that the Sheik Osama he was heard pledging his loyalty to was the Qaeda terror chief named bin Laden. But the musician, an accomplished jazz bassist named Tarik Shah who once played with the Duke Ellington Orchestra, has already pleaded guilty to a terror-related charge. So have two other men in the case, a Washington, D.C., cabdriver and a Brooklyn bookstore owner. The FBI counts the case as one more victory in what it considers to be its top-priority mission: finding would-be terrorists before they can carry out their plans.

....

Soufan called the deception a “proactive counter-terrorism operation,” designed, he told the court, “to reach out to individuals who wanted to be Al Qaeda members, make them believe that they actually get their goals in reaching Al Qaeda, and then we stop them before they hurt people.”

This trial has been heard twice and on both occasions the jury have failed to convict. The U.S. administration is now attempting a third re-trial and will presumably continue retrying until such time as it receives the politically expedient verdict it desires. If at first you don't succeed, trial, trial again.

Meanwhile, Rudy Giuliani continues to face legitimate opposition from the working class in the form of the International Association of Fire Fighters which is taking him to task for “the egregious acts Mayor Giuliani committed against our members, our fallen on 9/11.”

Conclusion

While the likes of Stott and O'Hara, along with their Notes from the Borderland and 9/11 CultWatch efforts, will happily devote their time to hunting down alleged 'cultists', real players wielding real powers using real deceptions and with real contacts to the real powers that be, are able to manoeuvre, often-times in full public view, safe in the knowledge that they will continue to be ignored by those who profess to offer radical views and radical politics. After all, States don't use terrorism, assassination, mass murder and war against innocent civilians often in the name of National Security and protecting their National interests do they? To believe they do might earn you the label 'Conspiracy Theorist'. Additionally, why would anyone chance being accused of anti-Semitism by pointing out that amongst the main beneficiaries of the events in London on 7th July 2005 have been the burgeoning police state in the UK, the profitable and ever expanding 'security businesses' and the illegal, racist and apartheid state of Israel. The Ummah pejoratively referred to by Stott in his presentation, however, has not benefited in any way from these attacks.

Whether or not the left, radical or otherwise, and anarchists alike choose at some stage to recognise that they have been reduced to parroting variants of the official State-sanctioned doctrine of the US/UK alliance 'War of Terror' remains to be seen. If Stott's paper, Half Truth Movement: How The 9/11 Cult Falsifies History, is in any way indicative of the positions held by Notes from the Borderland, Class War, the left, anarchists, or any other group, then the outlook is very bleak indeed.

Whilst J7 have no links to any 9/11 truth movement, we do believe that these seminal events require open-minded research and analysis. We are also aware that some spokespeople and proponents for 7/7 and 9/11 truth hold some esoteric, offensive and frankly bizarre views on the way the world works. We would argue that this is the very reason why events such as 9/11 and 7/7 must be understood in their correct historic and political context, something that the so-called left have so far failed to incorporate into their political analyses beyond the official narrative of events.

Cui Bono? Who benefits? Who is really in favour of 'half-truths'? Who watches the CultWatchers?

From this brief critique of Stott's paper the evidence would seem to favour the notion that it is certain self-styled 'cult-watchers' and the authors of Britain's self-styled “premier parapolitical investigative magazine who, with particular reference to the events of 7/7 and the means and methods of the July 7th Truth Campaign, are the principle proponents of half-truths.

Tuesday, 9 December 2008

Release the Evidence Petition: an update

J7 launched a petition to the British government to "Release the Evidence" to conclusively prove its Official Report beyond reasonable doubt, because the Official Report had been proven to be inaccurate and because the evidence in the public domain was so very limited, particularly in respect of CCTV images.

J7 has since submitted many requests to public bodies in order to obtain more evidence, most of which have been turned down. A common response has been that the evidence cannot be released because that would prejudice any trials in connection with the events in London on 7th July 2005.

Earlier this year, three men were tried on charges of assisting those alleged, but not yet proven, to have carried out the 'London bombings'. During that trial more evidence was indeed released into the public domain, but it was very limited and if anything raised more questions than it answered.

At the trial, it was claimed that the ID of the 'bombers' was not found at the expected locations, indicating that the ID had been deliberately scattered by means other than the explosions. The only images released were of rail cards and tickets (some expired) in the name of Tyrone Smith, with the photograph detached from the card. These were claimed to be of Lindsay, but all accounts of the Piccadilly train agree that it was so crowded that it would have been physically impossible for Lindsay to have scattered his ID around the carriage.

It was also claimed that the 'bombers' were not wearing the rucksacks, but had placed them upon the floor before detonating them. Again, this would hardly seem possible on the crowded Piccadilly train.

The CCTV images released were far from complete.

The image of Tanweer looking directly at the camera at Woodall Services was not released, nor were any of him arguing with the cashier over change, both of which are mentioned in the Official Narrative.

No images of Khan, Tanweer or Lindsay have been released later than 0826 at Kings Cross Thameslink. None show them at Kings Cross Mainline or in any part of the Underground. The images of the four suspects parting after hugging each other euphorically, mentioned in the Official Narrative, have not been released.

The only images of Hussain at Kings Cross Mainline show him in shops or on the concourse. There is no image of him purchasing a battery, as claimed by the Official Narrative. None show him in the Underground, and none show him boarding or travelling on any bus.

The images which show the explosions do so only indirectly, limited mostly to showing the expansion of dust, smoke and the flying debris that resulted from the explosions and the reactions of people who were a fair distance from the explosions and who themselves only had a slim chance of directly seeing the explosions. Furthermore the timestamps on those images do not correspond to the times of the explosions given in the Official Narrative (even after allowing for British Summer Time), for example 0746 when the Official Narrative states between 0850 and 0855:


The Official Narrative cites witnesses who saw two of the men fiddling with their rucksacks (presumably Richard Jones and Danny Biddle), but these witnesses were not called upon to give evidence upon oath at the trial of those accused of helping the suspects.

J7 has published an update to its petition to acknowledge that there is now more evidence in the public domain (as a result of this trial). Because the evidence released is still far from sufficient to prove the Official Report beyond reasonable doubt, we are renewing our call upon the British Government to RELEASE THE EVIDENCE.

Saturday, 5 July 2008

The Miracle of Carriage 346

On Monday, the third anniversary of the July 7th attacks in London, Channel 4 will be broadcasting a documentary titled "The Miracle of Carriage 346".

There are indeed some miraculous stories contained within the film, and there can be no denigration of the trauma suffered by those involved and the fortitude that so many have displayed – particularly Gill Hicks, whose courage and inspirational strength of character can only engender admiration.

However, one of biggest 'miracles' of this documentary, which will no doubt not feature in the programme, is that the programme researchers have managed to create a film about a carriage which was not only not bombed on July 7th 2005 but was not part of any affected train at all.

The number 346 seems to have originated with a 2005 article by Mark Townsend for the Guardian, the headline of which was, "Blue Watch relive the bomb hell inside carriage 346A"

A response to an FOI request by J7 to Transport For London, however, stated that "There is not a carriage 346A."

Clive Feather wrote,
"The Piccadilly Line train consisted of the following vehicles:

166-566-366-417-617-217

Car 166 was the one holding the bomb
.”
Carriage 346A is, in fact, an impossible carriage:
"A note on Piccadilly Line 1973 Tube Stock car numbering.

Each car has four axles labelled A, B, C, D. Each car has an A end and a D end. The couplings at the A end are different from the couplings at the D end. Cars can only couple A to D. Three cars couple to form a half train.

For example, 146-546-346. 146 is the A car of the half train. 346 is the D car.

A full train would be: 146-546-346-4xx-6xx-2xx where xx is odd.

346 would be the third or fourth carriage from the front, depending on which way the train was going.

The consist of train 331 was 166-566-366-417-617-217.

417 is an A car and 217 is a D car. It is the other way round for odd numbers.

The Tubeprune informs me that:

"Unit 166-566-366 was severly damaged, 366 is probably the only possible survivor but it has no other cars to work with at this time."

Car 346 is still tootling up and down the Piccadilly line
."
346 without the attached ‘A’ conceivably exists and indeed is probably still now employed on a train on the Piccadilly Line.

To frame an entire documentary around a carriage number which is not the correct one is sloppy journalism at best. Channel 4 have clearly realised their error, for they have since placed a disclaimer on the documentary page:
"It was reported that it was Carriage 346 at the time. However, there has been some dispute in some circles as to the actual number of the carriage when the bombing took place."

Source: Channel 4
To amend their originally published article to add that there is "some dispute in some circles as to the actual number of the carriage" is a somewhat disingenuous and misleading angle. Any dispute of the carriage number originates not in "some circles" on a whim but with the facts of the matter such as they have been confirmed to be with Transport for London, the body responsible for the running of the tube.

When making a factual film about an actual event into which there has never been a cohesive, coherent independent inquiry, an event which caused loss of life in London on a scale not seen since the Luftwaffe Raids and from which the survivors and bereaved are still having to fight for compensation three years later, establishing the rudimentary facts first is the barest minimum that the victims, the injured and bereaved, and the programme's audience deserve.
  • Where did the non-existent carriage number 346a originate?
  • Who gave Mark Townsend this information that no journalist thereafter apparently bothered to double-check?
  • Why is the myth of Piccadilly Line carriage 346a still perpetuated despite confirmation from Transport for London that "There is not a carriage 346A."?

Friday, 6 June 2008

Secret Inquests and Inquiries - The proposed Counter-Terrorism Bill

The Counter–Terrorism Bill was introduced to the House of Commons on the 24 January 2008 and contains a number of provisions which the Government claim are designed to enhance counter-terrorism powers.

Secret Inquests and inquiries

Recent headlines have abounded with regard to the 42 day pre-charge detention proposals, however there has been scant coverage of other specific proposals contained within part 6 of the proposed Bill (Clauses 64 to 67) dealing with (secret) inquests and inquiries.

Jacqui Smith, Home Secretary explained, in a letter dated 21 January 2008, why the changes to the coroners’ inquest system in England and Wales were required: in order to comply with Article 2 of the European Convention on Human Rights.

The incompatibility of the present coroners' inquest system with Article 2 of the ECHR arose when Oxford Coroner Andrew Walker stated that, in the inquest into the murder of Azelle Rodney, he could not properly discharge his duties and that consequently his ruling would not comply with the obligations enshrined in Article 2 of the European Convention on Human Rights.


Azelle Rodney

Azelle Rodney was shot dead in 'an operation' by the Metropolitan Police on 30 April 2005, less than 3 months before the deaths of the July 7th victims and the extra-judicial State execution Jean Charles de Menezes.

The proposals within this new legislation include the following changes to the current system of inquests and inquiries:

Inquests without a jury &/or family members
Inquest without jury

Clause 64 would insert a new section 8A into the Coroners Act 1988 and would enable the Secretary of State to certify, in relation to an inquest, that in her opinion, the inquest would involve the consideration of material that should not be made public:

in the interests of national security
• in the interests of the relationship between the United Kingdom and another country or
• otherwise in the public interest.

The certification could be made in respect of an inquest which had not yet started or at any time before an inquest was concluded. The effect of such a certificate would be that the inquest would be held without a jury (and any jury already summoned would be discharged). The Secretary of State would have power to revoke a certificate at any time before the conclusion of the inquest.

Inquests led by a government selected coroner
Specially appointed coroners

Clause 65 would insert new sections 18A to 18C into the Coroners Act 1988 and would enable the Secretary of State to appoint a “specially appointed coroner” to hold an inquest which is the subject of a certificate under section 8A, instead of the coroner who would otherwise have jurisdiction.

The use of intercept evidence
Intercept evidence
a. Inquiries

Clause 66 would amend section 18(7)© of RIPA [Regulation of Investigatory Powers Act 2000] to allow disclosure of intercept material to a person appointed as counsel to an inquiry held under the Inquiries Act 2005, in addition to the panel of an inquiry.

b. Inquests

Clause 67 would also further amend section 18(7)© of RIPA, in this case to allow disclosure of intercept material to a coroner or to a person appointed as counsel to an inquest...
The cross-party UK Parliamentary Joint Committee on Human Rights (on page 8 of their report of 30th January 2008) described the above proposals as "an astonishing provision with the most serious implications for the UK’s ability to comply with the positive obligation in Article 2 ECHR to provide an adequate and effective investigation where an individual has been killed as a result of the use of force, particularly where the death is the result of the use of force by state agents.


Readers are reminded that, nearly three years on, all the inquests relating to the victims of the events of July 7th 2005 have yet to take place.

Comments are welcomed as to why an inquest into a 7/7 victim should be subject to unwarranted State interference. Why and how would 'National Security' be compromised in such an inquest? At least one reason might be that the government July 7th narrative would not then stand up to the scrutiny it so richly deserves.

Is the government legislating itself the right to indulge in further malfeasance?

Further background information and research on this subject by the J7 collective is here.

Tuesday, 22 April 2008

Mind (Plug?) the Gaps

Following the selection of the jury of 12 from 150 potential jurors, and some technical hitches the trial of R v Waheed Ali (aka Shipon Ullah), Sadeer Saleem & Mohammed Shakil at Kingston Crown Court began. The three men are accused of one charge of conspiring with the four bombers and others unknown to cause explosions between Nov 17, 2004 and July 8, 2005.

Reports emerged (BBC & Telegraph) at lunchtime on 10th April 2008 of CCTV footage from the 7th July 2005 being shown in court. The Guardian report of 10th April failed to mention CCTV, however as noted here, the fullest account of the CCTV shown in court was provided by Rachel "North" in her blog post on the evening of 10th April.

The next morning J7 submitted a FOI request to the Metropolitan Police to determine if the CCTV evidence material shown in court would be made available for public scrutiny. After all there is, to date, no CCTV or photographic evidence in the public domain showing the 4 accused in London on 7th July 2005.

Fri, 11 Apr 2008 11:42 AM
From J7: The July 7th Truth Campaign
To Neil Smith
Subject Release of 7/7 CCTV footage under FOI

Dear Mr Smith

Now that the CCTV footage from 7th July 2005 has been shown during the current trial in Kingston Crown Court can we be assured that this footage will now be released and made available to the public?

As you are undoubtedly aware, the July 7th Truth Campaign has been very concerned over the lack of evidence in the public domain since the events in London on 7/7.

Regards,

J7: The July 7th Truth Campaign

Ten days later we received a response (emphasis added):
21st April 2008

Dear J7: The July 7th Truth Campaign

As you know the 7/7 trial is ongoing. It would be premature for me to release further footage under FOIA at this stage, but I feel sure that more material will become available once the trial is over.

We understand your organisation's concerns as to the lack of evidence in the public domain pre-trial. The UK judicial system demands that all accused receive a fair trial. If evidence was to be published pre-trial, potential jurors would form a pre-conception as to verdict based upon published 'evidence'. At trial, that 'evidence' may or may not be established. All the authorities, including the Police, are bound to respect the needs of the Court, therefore release of evidence pre-trial has to be subject to strict limitations. In due time I hope we will be in a position where all the public, and especially the families of those killed or injured, are fully appraised of what happened on the 7th July 2005.

Whilst we have not communicated for some time, I express the thanks of the CT Command for drawing attention to some issues in the official account that required clarification. Whilst is might not always be apparent from our replies, your scrutiny is seen as helpful rather than inconvenient.

Regards,

Neil Smith
Detective Inspector
SO15 (Counter Terrorism Command)

While the response did not directly answer the question we submitted, whether the footage shown in court will be released and made available to the public, we have been told that [possibly] more material will become available once the trial is over. (Off the shelf Panorama programmes at the ready?)

Regarding the statement that 'If evidence was to be published pre-trial, potential jurors would form a pre-conception as to verdict based upon published 'evidence' - is that not what has happened in court, directed by the prosecution, without the scrutiny of the media/public at large?

Whether any media organisations are interested enough to demand the release of any of the CCTV evidence shown in court, remains to be seen. On 9th April, the Metropolitan Police released a statement to the media:
'During the trial the media may apply for material which has been relied upon by the Crown as part of its prosecution. The request will be considered by prosecuting Counsel, Crown Prosecution Service and Metropolitan Police Service.

Defence counsel will be advised of the request and will have the opportunity to raise any issues with the judge, who will make a final decision on whether the material can be released.

Whether any applications have been made and/or refused remains to be seen, however to date no CCTV footage has been released to the general public, nor have any additional still photos been publicly released.

Note the acknowledgement from Detective Inspector Neil Smith of Counter Terrorism Command that J7's scrutiny of the official account, and our ongoing Freedom of Information requests endeavouring to establish the facts about what happened on 7th July 2005, are "drawing attention to some issues in the official account which require clarification" and such queries are "seen as helpful rather than inconvenient".

To date J7 have submitted many FOI requests to the Metropolitan Police with limited success in terms of requests that have resulted in the disclosure of useful information. It would be infinitely more helpful if requests for information were met with the release of the information being requested.

We would like to see the Crown Prosecution Service, the Metropolitan Police Service and the Judge/judicial system being 'helpful' to the British Public by releasing the CCTV evidence.

J7 looks forward to the release of the CCTV footage shown during the trial, and to any other evidence material, in order that further scrutiny can be carried out and the facts about what happened on 7th July 2005 can be coherently established.

Monday, 14 April 2008

Latest J7 article published - Human Rights Abuses & The Demonisation of 'The Enemy' in Secret Britain

Capitalising on Terror: Human Rights Abuses & The Demonisation of 'The Enemy' in Secret Britain

Imagine a day in your life – of no particular value purely due to its sheer availability and mass quantity. Then imagine it was the last day you knew freedom.....

Imagine how it feels to stumble blindly through a closed 'court' process, unable to speak to the person who has the luxury of knowing what you don't; the grounds on which you've been taken away from everything that you knew, whilst the judge sits sighing, having the privilege of knowing exactly what the outcome will be. Imagine being arrested and thrown into jail in one country because another country has demanded your presence, conferring 'suspect' status upon you immediately. Imagine how it would feel to sit alone in a small cell day after day and year after year, knowing that you don't even have the option or means to prove your innocence beyond doubt because there is “insufficient evidence” to charge you with a crime – and because of this, knowing that the general assumption is likely to be that 'there's no smoke without fire'. Especially when there's a 'war on terror' to win.

This is the reality facing hundreds of innocent Muslims in the UK; a reality constantly ignored by the British media, especially in the current season of terror.
"The most elementary requirement of legal certainty demands that you know the case against you. And yet considerable numbers of young men, and some women, are being held in our prisons without any idea of why they are there. They are detained under yet more provisions, for the present deemed lawful, which either forbid or demand no meaningful explanation being given to the accused. The concept of secret evidence and accusations so vague and undefined as to be meaningless has now bedded down in our system of justice."

Gareth Peirce, human rights lawyer, December 2007
In September 2006, Tony Blair described the “global struggle against terrorism” as being “without mercy or limit”......to see how merciless and limitless government oppression against Muslims - and potentially any of us - can be, read the latest J7 article here.

Monday, 31 March 2008

J7: The July 7th Truth Campaign March 2008 Update

J7: The July 7th Truth Campaign have issued their March 2008 update.

J7: The July 7th Truth Campaign March 2008 Update

Greetings from J7: The July 7th Truth Campaign,

In the slightly tardy J7 March 2008 update: Details of two new articles on the J7 site covering the results of the 7/7 investigation, including details of the recent conviction of Khalid Khaliq and the launch of the FREE KHALID KHALIQ campaign; the overturning of the ‘Bradford 5’ convictions; a J7 petition update; and further expressions of J7 support and solidarity with other campaigns and activist groups.


THREE YEARS OF 7/7 INVESTIGATION - 7 ARRESTS, 3 CHARGES
============================================================
J7 are pleased to announce the publication of two new articles covering the results of nearly three years of the police 7/7 investigation, the arrests made and the charges brought. The official Home Office narrative claimed that the four alleged suicide bombers acted alone in the financing and execution of the attacks, yet seven people have been arrested in connection with the events of 7/7. Of these, charges have been brought against three people. With the trials starting in early April of the alleged 7/7 co-conspirators that the Home Office report claims didn’t exist, now is the time to get informed:

http://www.julyseventh.co.uk/july-7-article-the-7-7-investigation-7-arrests-part-1.html

http://www.julyseventh.co.uk/july-7-article-the-7-7-investigation-7-arrests-part-2.html



J7 LAUNCH FREE KHALID KHALIQ CAMPAIGN
============================================================
In July 2005 Khalid Khaliq came forward to voluntarily to assist with the 7/7 investigation. Nearly three years later, on Tuesday March 11th 2008 Khaliq, 34, was sentenced to sixteen months in prison for possession of information that is freely available from an American website set up by the US Ministry of Justice. Khaliq stated in court that the disc "had been brought to his home by "others", whom he refused to identify." Furthermore, it appears Khaliq had not even viewed the material on the disc. The court heard how the CD had originally been produced in the Iqra learning centre and it is common knowledge that CD and DVD production, along with other IT issues at the Iqra, were undertaken not by a Muslim but instead by a jobbing former Hells Angel and "IT man", Martin Gilbertson. Full details in another new article, Justice Defiled - the conviction of Khalid Khaliq, on the J7 blog:

http://j7truth.blogspot.com/2008/03/justice-defiled-conviction-of-khalid.html


‘BRADFORD 5’ THOUGHTCRIME CONVICTIONS OVERTURNED
============================================================
The convictions of four Bradford University students, Awaab Iqbal, Aitzaz Zafar, Usman Ahmed Malik, and Akbar Butt and a London schoolboy, Mohammed Irfan Raja have been overturned in a landmark appeal court ruling. The accused, described ‘impartially’ by the judge as "intoxicated" by radical Islamist propaganda originally received sentences ranging from 27 months to three years for what lawyer Imran Khan called "thought crime". Within weeks this ruling was overturned and the accused were freed. The Crown Prosecution Service is not challenging the appeal court actions of the Lord Chief Justice claiming it did "not see any necessity to clarify a point of law". For further details please see the J7 People’s Inquiry Forum thread:

http://z13.invisionfree.com/julyseventh/index.php?showtopic=1773


J7: RELEASE THE EVIDENCE PETITION
============================================================
The J7 RELEASE THE EVIDENCE Petition has raced past 2,000 signature mark, exceeding signatories to the official Downing Street web site petition for a Public Inquiry by a factor of four. The petition has already been signed by some notable individuals and organisations including the Patrick Finucane Centre and representatives from the Omagh Support & Self Help Group. If you’ve already signed the J7 Petition, thank you. If you haven’t signed the J7 Petition yet please do so here:

http://www.petitiononline.com/j7truth/


J7 SUPPORT AND SOLIDARITY
============================================================
J7 expresses support for and solidarity with the Patrick Finucane Centre and the Omagh Support & Self Help Group. J7 also supports the Truth and Justice for Richard Chang Campaign.

http://www.patfinucanecentre.org
http://www.omaghbomb.co.uk
http://www.justice4richard.co.uk


Here ends the J7 update for March 2008. We’ll be in touch again soon.

In solidarity, for truth and justice,
J7: The July 7th Truth Campaign Team
--
Web: http://julyseventh.co.uk/
Petition: http://www.petitiononline.com/j7truth
Forum: http://z13.invisionfree.com/julyseventh
MySpace: http://myspace.com/j7truth
Email: julyseventh@fastmail.net

Wednesday, 12 March 2008

Justice Defiled - the conviction of Khalid Khaliq

Despite reports that Khalid Khaliq denied the three charges which had been laid against him in May 2007, and had not entered a formal plea at his court appearance in August 2007, on the 10th of March 2008, Khalid Khaliq pleaded guilty to one count of possessing a document or record containing information likely to be useful to a person committing or preparing an act of terrorism. This was the possession of a CD containing an ‘al-Qa’ida training manual’, which was reportedly found in his "family home" in July 2005. The further charge of possession of information likely to be useful for terrorism - a book entitled "Zaad-e-Mujahid" ("Essential Provision of the Mujahid"), which had reportedly been found in the raid on Khaliq’s property in May 2007 was ordered to be laid on file and the judge ordered that Khaliq be found not guilty of the third charge; possessing a book entitled "The Absent Obligation -- and Expel the Jews and Christians from the Arabian Peninsula".

On Tuesday March 11th 2008 Khaliq, 34, was sentenced to sixteen months in prison.

Prosecutor David Farrell QC told the court the al-Qaeda training manual included a declaration of Jihad, an interview with Osama bin Laden and information about weapons and how to deal with being interviewed by police.

Source: BBC News

A report in the Yorkshire Evening Post also described the contents of the manual, which differ slightly from the above:

Khalid Khaliq, 34, admitted owning a CD containing techniques on assassination, espionage, torture and interrogation after it was found at his home in Tempest Road, Beeston, Leeds.

The court heard how the CD had originally been in Iqra learning centre and bookshop on Bude Terrace, of which Khaliq was a trustee, but was moved from there to his home nearby after the attack. The court also heard how material on the disc had been downloaded from an American website set up by the US Ministry of Justice following a trial in 2002.

Judge James Stewart criticised the decision to put the material on the internet. He said: "It is like putting pornography on a website when a man is accused of possessing or creating it."

Although Khaliq was in possession of the disc he had never actually downloaded the information onto his home computer. Khaliq claimed he didn't know its content.

Source: Yorkshire Evening Post

Who moved the CD from the Iqra to Khaliq’s house? According to a Daily Mail report, Khaliq had stated that the disc "had been brought to his home by "others", whom he refused to identify."

With regard to the unidentified "others" to whom Khaliq refers, it is common knowledge that CD and DVD production, along with other IT issues at the Iqra bookshop, were undertaken not by a Muslim but instead by a former Hells Angel and " IT man", Martin Gilbertson (pictured left). In interviews given to the media Gilbertson speaks of "the amount of time I spent editing" what newspapers described as "horror DVDs" between 2001 and 2004. Gilbertson happened to be working alongside a former elite Special Boat Service "anti-terrorist" operative, one Martin 'Abdullah' McDaid (pictured right) who, for some reason, "asked for high-security encryption for their computer systems so it would be hard even for government agencies to access e-mails." Quite why an ex-SBS operative might want to hide data from government agencies has never been revealed.

The Mail also reported how the judge, James Stewart, had said it was "extraordinary" that the American Department of Justice had seen fit to publish the terrorist booklet on the internet:

Officials took the precaution of removing a section on "bomb-making" but they allowed chapters on espionage, assassinations, torture and interrogation to remain, Leeds Crown Court was told.

The manual had been published on the U.S. site as part of the transcript of a 2001 terror trial under a freedom of information policy.

Source: Daily Mail

The irony of material on the CD being uploaded to the internet by the US government under the terms of 'freedom of information' and then deemed illegal to possess in this country is self-evident. It is also worth noting that in a 2005 article by Duncan Campbell; ‘The Ricin Ring That Never Was’ describes how an attempt was made to introduce an ‘al-Qa’ida training manual’ into the case:

The most ironic twist was an attempt to introduce an "al-Qaida manual" into the case. The manual - called the Manual of the Afghan Jihad - had been found on a raid in Manchester in 2000. It was given to the FBI to produce in the 2001 New York trial for the first attack on the World Trade Centre. But it wasn't an al-Qaida manual. The name was invented by the US department of justice in 2001, and the contents were rushed on to the net to aid a presentation to the Senate by the then attorney general, John Ashcroft, supporting the US Patriot Act.

Source: The Guardian

Additionally, oddly enough, the CIA produced 'Freedom Fighter’s Manual', which includes instruction on economic sabotage, propaganda, extortion, bribery, blackmail, interrogation, torture, murder and political assassination and the CIA produced 'Human Resource Exploitation Training Manual' which teaches how to torture people are both perfectly legal to download, possess and distribute. Are we to conclude that manuals teaching torture, assassination and interrogation are only acceptable when produced by the US, and only 'useful to terrorists' when in the possession of Muslims?

Worth factoring into the consideration are the words of the Assistant Professor of Political Economy at the University of Washington, Guido Giacomo Preparata, who, on page 21 of his book Conjuring Hitler - How Britain and America made the Third Reich writes of "the recent lurking 'threat' of Bin Laden's Al-Qaeda - a true 'Godsend' for America's imperial establishment", further noting, "As known, the evanescent Bin Laden and his lieutenants are from the start an invention of the CIA."

Moreover, less than a month prior to this trial, on February 13th 2008, five young men were freed on appeal having been convicted of very similar charges, including charges of possessing information of a kind likely to be useful to a person committing or preparing an act of terrorism. When quashing the convictions, the Lord Chief Justice said there was no proof of terrorist intent:

Lord Phillips said that while the men had downloaded such material, he doubted if there was evidence this was in relation to planning terrorist acts.

He said the prosecution had attempted to use the law for a purpose for which it was not intended.

Source: BBC News

FREE KHALID KHALIQKhalid Khaliq had come forward voluntarily to assist with the 7/7 investigation in Beeston in July 2005. This act of social responsibility is presumably how his property came to be searched in the first place. Despite his statement to the police that he did not support al-Qaida and was "shocked by the actions of the 7/7 bombers", despite character witnesses confirming that Khaliq was a "devoted, caring and loving" parent, who had given up work to be the sole carer of his children and did not advocate terrorism, the judge decided that Khaliq was a threat to society and merited a custodial sentence. Yet where is the evidence that Khaliq had the intent or means to commit an act of terrorism. Astonishingly, the judge even used the fact that Khaliq possessed a copy of the Terrorism Act as some kind of additional indictment against him - since when does the possession of government legislation equate to terrorist intent?

On February 13th 2008, Imran Khan; a lawyer for one of the freed Muslim students at the Court of Appeal said that the ruling would have a "significant impact":

He told BBC News: "Young Muslim men before this judgement could have been prosecuted simply for simply looking at any material on the basis that it might be connected in some way to terrorist purposes."

He said section 57 of the 2000 Terrorism Act had been written in such wide terms that "effectively, anybody could have been caught in it" but prosecutors would now have to prove such material was intended for terrorist purposes.

Source: BBC News

Evidently, the case has not had anything like the kind of impact that it should have; the conviction of Khalid Khaliq -- father and sole carer of three children, two girls aged 11 and eight and a five-year-old son, who has learning difficulties -- for possessing what seems, in actuality, to be mainly US and UK government information, is testament to that.




For further details on the 7/7 "investigation", the seven arrests and the three charges brought please see:

Thursday, 7 February 2008

J7 EXCLUSIVE: Peter Power Dorset Police Suspension & the DPP File

On July 7th 2005, Peter Power was running a terror exercise which, in his own words that evening, was "based on simultaneous bombs going off precisely at the railway stations where it happened this morning, so I still have the hairs on the back of my neck standing upright!". He has since refused to give a more detailed account of his activities that day, for some reason believing that the commercial interests of his client, which require confidentiality, are more important than the public interest in incidents which resulted in many deaths and injuries. Disappointingly, the media appears to share that belief as it has not insisted on him making a credible full disclosure. Instead, it continues to present him with regular opportunities to propagate his views on such matters as the necessity of a 90 day detention period.

J7 has discovered, though, that Peter Power was once the subject of a file passed to the Director of Public Prosecution as a result of an investigation by Dorset Police. This is all the more remarkable because, at the time, Peter Power was a Superintendent in the Dorset Police Force! Read the full story here. He retired from Dorset Police, which had suspended him on full pay, on the grounds of ill health before any decision was taken by the DPP on whether to act upon the file.

This information dates from 1993, before the Internet was as commonplace as it is today. It is not online, so J7 is grateful for the services provided by public libraries and archives. It is a salient reminder of the importance of these services, which are increasingly under attack.

One argument used by the BBC Conspiracy Files to persuade J7 to participate in its programme (J7 refused) was that it was the same team as produced Panorama. This argument is substantially weakened by the failure of the Panorama team to investigate Peter Power's credentials. For its "London Under Attack" programme it provided the following incorrect biography:

PETER POWER
Crisis management specialist & government adviser
Visor consulting 1995- present
Director BET Group Security 1992-1994
Senior Officer Metropolitan Police 1971-1992

Peter Power was in fact working for Dorset Police 1990-1993.

J7 asks:

  • What is the explanation for the incorrect biographical information supplied for the Panorama programme "London Under Attack"?
  • Is there evidence for the claims made by Peter Power about his involvement in the Brixton riots, the Libyan embassy siege, the Oxford Circus fire and the Kings Cross fire?
  • Was Peter Power prosecuted as a result of the Dorset Police investigation?
  • Is Peter Power still receiving an ill health pension from Dorset Police, at the same time as he is very actively pursuing a consultancy career?
  • Why, in view of his apparently glittering career and obvious appetite for self publicity, with every prospect of attaining one of the top positions in the Met, did Peter Power transfer to Dorset?

Not forgetting:

  • What precisely was the exercise undertaken on 7th July 2005, and which organisations were involved?

Monday, 14 January 2008

Ludicrous Diversion - LD refuse BBC Conspiracy Files offer

This is Ludicrous Diversion, a 28 minute film released in September 2006 that remains the single most concise summary of the many issues surrounding 7/7:




Further to J7: The July 7th Truth Campaign's refusal to participate in an episode of the BBC's Conspiracy Files series. the independent film-makers behind Ludicrous Diversion (J7 interview here) have also refused to participate in no uncertain terms and once again call into question the integrity, honesty and remit of the BBC. Below is a copy of the Ludicrous Diversion team's response to the Conspiracy Files offer:

Dear Susan

Thanks for your invitation to come and discuss the 'conspiracy' issues surrounding 7/7. Unfortunately we must decline. The BBC's credibility amongst so-called 'conspiracy folk' is so non-existent that it's laughable. If you don't know why this is, check out youtube regarding the BBC and 911.

So you intend to find the definitive account of 7/7 – why wait until now? The BBC not only never questioned a single fact within the 'Official Story', but was itself responsible for disseminating the information without giving most of it even the most cursory investigative glance.

We draw your attention, for example, to the issue of what train the supposed bombers took into London. For well over a year the BBC continued to publish on its website the time given by the police and offered in the official investigation – despite the fact that particular train was cancelled - and this fact was widely available across the internet. The BBC only changed its story when the official story was itself changed and the train time altered. Worth thinking about. . .

In fact, in matters such as 7/7, i.e. matters of crucial importance to the British public, the evidence strongly indicates that the BBC is nothing more than a mouthpiece for the British government and intelligence agencies, relying on its historical reputation to create in the public mind exactly the picture that these bodies would like the public to see.

You, no doubt, will claim that you are coming at it afresh, with independent eyes. In that case, (after suggesting you wake up and smell the coffee) we think you should really dedicate the entire program not to the validity of the 7/7 `conspiracy theories`, but to an proper examination of the central conspiracy - how a web of lies was presented by the government, police and intelligence agencies and then disseminated without question by the mainstream media, your good selves at the BBC included.

The idea of the BBC presenting any sort of unbiased presentation would be comedic if it was not so tragically absurd. Their 'conspiracy series analysis of 911 was criminally negligent in its presentation of the facts and lapdog acceptance of the official story and will be correctly adjudged so in time. Your latest hitpiece on 7/7 'conspiracies' will sadly, but inevitably, be cut from the same branch.

You will 'consider' a few of the enormous number of lines of investigation, a blend of the most easily dismissed and the most obviously insane. You will do exactly no independent investigation of any kind. And your conclusion will be that most of the questions being posed by 'conspiracy theorists' regarding 7/7 are without any real basis, but some questions do need asking about the role of the intelligence agencies in following the four men before the event. How do we know this will be your conclusion? Because that is the official line. Feel free to prove us wrong.

If you think this is unfair, here is a list of the essential questions to consider – and to use your BBC-backed weight to obtain answers. We'll take a little wager that not one of these issues is seriously and sensibly addressed in the course of your film.

Why did the mainstream media including the BBC, choose not to question a single police report, political statement or any part of the official report? Is this now outside your remit? Is the BBC somehow under the impression that the police, the government and the intelligence agencies with their anonymous leaks are infallible and more importantly trustworthy? Given a verifiable history of deceit by all three, why would the BBC simply report as fact what these organisations claim?

Why won't the police release the enormous number of images and moving footage of the four bombers in London that they have claim to have and which must exist? Surely, with this much time passed, and in a serious documentary by the BBC there can be no harm in showing the moving CCTV footage of these four bombers - the footage which has condemned them, despite having never been seen by the british public?

How is that the police, intelligence agencies and media all falsely reported the time of the train the bombers took into London for over a year, given that the police has by its own statements, actual CCTV footage of the four bombers getting on this non-existent train?

Here`s a suggestion for a very interesting and enlightening sequence for your film.

Take a camera to Luton station, film the entire journey from there to the underground platforms that the bombers departed from (we were denied permission to do this, but we have a feeling the Beeb will be allowed) – time the journey and count the number of CCTV cameras that filmed the four alleged bombers along the way. Then calculate how many hours of footage of these men must exist if the official story of the mens journey to Kings Cross and onwards is true. Then reveal, perhaps with a crescendo of music – that not one single second of this footage has been presented. In fact, other than a still photo of Hussain outside boots, there is not one single frame of the four men in London. Does it exist? It must, if the official story is true. What possible reason could there be for not showing it?

What a scoop for the BBC it would be if they actually got this footage that has been denied from the British public! What a triumph to force the police into releasing the hours of moving images of the four suspects! And if they don't give you this footage straight away, what a wonderful opportunity to try and uncover why they won't! Exciting journalistic opportunities await, if you want to take the leap. Sadly, this won't happen, but again please – feel free to prove us wrong.

Yours sincerely

LD

    -----Original Message-----
    Subject: BBC Documentary
    Date: Tue, 8 Jan 2008 15:19:19 +0000
    From: susan.prichard@bbc.co.uk
    To: ludicrousdiversion@hotmail.com

    Dear Ludicrous Diversion

    BBC 2 Current Affairs is making a documentary about the 7th July bombings. The programme is for the BBC 2 documentary series "The Conspiracy Files".

    The programme will analyse what happened on 7th July 2005, and aims to provide a definitive account of events on that day.

    We are interested in talking to people who have raised questions about the official account and who are campaigning for further information to be released. We've watched your film and we would be keen to meet you to discuss the issues it raises in more detail.

    Many thanks,

    Susan Prichard
    Assistant Producer,
    BBC Current Affairs

    Monday, 7 January 2008

    J7: The July 7th Truth Campaign January 2008 Update

    J7: The July 7th Truth Campaign have issued their January 2008 update.

    J7: The July 7th Truth Campaign January 2008 Update

    Greetings from J7: The July 7th Truth Campaign,

    It’s the start of the New Year and time for a long overdue J7 update. We would like to take this opportunity to thank you all for your continued support and to wish all J7 supporters a very happy Gregorian Calendar New Year and all the best for 2008.

    In the J7 New Year round-up: J7 turns down the offer of a BBC ‘documentary’; Gordon Brown again refuses a public inquiry into 7/7; Peter Power breaks his silence; J7 reject and dismiss a new 7/7 film by someone who claims to be the new messiah; a review of Daniel Oba Chike’s book and J7 launch an updated and redesigned flyer.


    J7 & BBC2’s CONSPIRACY FILES
    =================================================================
    Shortly after the second anniversary of 7/7, the July 7th Truth Campaign was approached by representatives of the BBC and asked to participate in a forthcoming 7/7 documentary. Nearly six months later, the BBC revealed that the ‘documentary’ in question was an episode of the BBC’s risible Conspiracy Files series. Having seen each of the previous four episodes of the formulaic Conspiracy Files, J7ers were unanimously against participating in the show. J7 put together a detailed response to the BBC declining to participate in the programme and explaining our reasons why. Much of the response, while specifically addressed to the BBC, is equally applicable to all broadcast and print media. Read the full J7 response to the BBC here:

    http://julyseventh.co.uk/j7-refuse-bbc-conspiracy-files-offer.html


    THE STATE REFUSES 7/7 PUBLIC INQUIRY – YET AGAIN
    =================================================================
    A year long petition on the Downing Street web site calling for a 7/7 Public Inquiry has closed and received a response from the government that has, once again, refused an inquiry. J7 has always stated that any public inquiry must be held outside of the Inquiries Act 2005 and, despite the inquiry petition making no mention of the Inquiries Act, the demands of the petition were, unsurprisingly, still refused. The inquiry petition was widely publicised online and in various mainstream media outlets, yet was only signed by a paltry 525 people, clearly demonstrating the British public’s complete lack of faith in a state-run public inquiry under the Inquiries Act 2005.

    The now-closed inquiry petition can be viewed here:
    http://petitions.number10.gov.uk/Bombings/?ref=bombings

    The government’s response to the petition is here:
    http://www.pm.gov.uk/output/Page14132.asp [archive.org copy]

    Meanwhile, the J7 RELEASE THE EVIDENCE petition continues to go from strength to strength and has been signed by almost 1900 people. If you haven’t signed the J7 petition yet, please do so here:

    http://www.petitiononline.com/j7truth/


    7/7 TERROR REHEARSAL MAN PETER POWER BREAKS HIS SILENCE
    =================================================================
    For only the second time in two and half a years the Managing Director of Visor Consultants, Peter Power, has broken his silence about the exercise he was running the day of 7th July 2005. The latest comment comes after Peter Power was briefly confronted in a hotel lobby by a group called We Are Change and, for some hitherto unknown reason, rather than contacting We Are Change directly, Peter Power chose instead to leave a comment on the J7 web site. You can read the updated Terror Rehearsal article, which includes a link to the We Are Change video and Peter Power’s latest comment here:

    http://julyseventh.co.uk/july-7-terror-rehearsal.html


    J7 REBUT AND REJECT NEW FILM – 7/7 RIPPLE EFFECT
    =================================================================
    A video was released on 5th November 2007 entitled '7/7 Ripple Effect' which appeared via a website called JforJustice. Both the video and website are authored by Muad'Dib (the name of a fictional character from Frank Herbert's Dune) who believes he is the Sheffield-born messiah and demands 'that he be acknowledged as the Rightful British-Israel King.' He also appears to hold rather offensive, anti-Muslim views and the film is littered with unsubstantiated speculation in a manner not entirely dissimilar to the official Home Office narrative. Find out more:

    http://julyseventh.co.uk/j-for-justice-77-ripple-effect.html


    J7 BOOK REVIEW: THE 4TH BOMB
    =================================================================
    A number of books have been released by people connected, or claiming to be connected with the events of 7/7, and J7 will be reviewing as many of these as possible. The first review has gone live on the main J7 web site and is a review of Daniel Oba Chike’s book, The 4th Bomb. Read the review here:

    http://julyseventh.co.uk/j7-book-review-daniel-obachike-the-fourth-bomb.html


    J7 FLYER UPDATED AND REDESIGNED
    =================================================================
    The July 7th Truth Campaign flyer has been updated, redesigned (by a proper designer!) and re-published and printed copies are available on request for anyone that wishes to distribute them at meetings, protests and gatherings. As ever, copies of the new flyer can be viewed online and print-quality PDFs can also be downloaded.

    View the flyer online:
    http://julyseventh.co.uk/july-7-truth-campaign-flyer.html

    Download Black & White PDF:
    http://julyseventh.co.uk/pdf/j7.flyer-v4.0-bw.pdf

    Download Red & Black PDF:
    http://julyseventh.co.uk/pdf/j7.flyer-v4.0-rw.pdf


    J7 EXPRESSION OF SUPPORT AND SOLIDARITY
    =================================================================
    Today, 7th January 2007, would have been the 30th birthday of Jean Charles de Menezes, who was extra-judicially executed by two unnamed State marksmen in July 2005. Our thoughts are with the de Menezes family and J7 supports the quest for justice of the Jean Charles de Menezes family campaign (http://justice4jean.com). J7 also supports the cause of the National Campaign Against Anti Terror Powers.


    That’s about all for now. J7 will be in touch again soon and, if all goes according to plan, 2008 will be the year that sees the start of more regular updates from the J7 team.

    In solidarity, for truth and justice,
    J7: The July 7th Truth Campaign Team
    --
    Web: http://julyseventh.co.uk/
    Petition: http://www.petitiononline.com/j7truth
    Forum: http://z13.invisionfree.com/julyseventh
    MySpace: http://myspace.com/j7truth
    Email: julyseventh@fastmail.net

    Friday, 4 January 2008

    J7 Decline to participate in BBC's Conspiracy Files

    Shortly after the second anniversary of 7th July 2005, J7: The July 7th Truth Campaign was contacted by Chris Alcock of the BBC who advised us of plans for a BBC documentary covering the events of 7th July 2005. No detail about the nature of the 'documentary' was provided until five months later, in December 2007, when another BBC employee, Assistant Producer Susan Prichard, advised us by email that the BBC production in question, rather than being a serious documentary effort for which the BBC was once well known, was in fact an episode of BBC2's risible Conspiracy Files series.

    For anyone that missed out on the 'privilege' of watching the first four episodes of the Conspiracy Files, previous programmes have covered the events of 11th September 2001, the death of weapons inspector Dr David Kelly, the murder of Dodi Fayed and the Oklahoma bombing. Some episodes of the first Conspiracy Files series are available to view online and links are provided below:

    Upon learning that our assistance was being requested in connection with the production of an episode of the formulaic Conspiracy Files rather than a serious, honest, open-minded and in-depth documentary that examined the official Home Office account of events -- the original 'conspiracy theory' about what happened -- the lack of evidence to support it, the errors exposed by J7's ongoing research and the numerous anomalies and inconsistencies in the story the government has endeavoured to fob the British public off with in place of a full and independent public inquiry outside of the Inquiries Act 2005, J7 issued a response to the BBC declining to participate in the programme and outlining our reasons for reaching this decision. What follows is a full copy of the J7 response to the BBC request to participate in its Conspiracy Files series. Much of what is written below is equally applicable to other broadcast and print media:

    Date:     Wed, 12 Dec 2007
    From: J7: The July 7th Truth Campaign
    To: Susan Prichard
    Subject: Re: BBC Documentary
    Dear Susan,

    As you will be aware, earlier this year, J7: The July 7th Truth Campaign was contacted by Chris Alcock with regard to our participating in a BBC programme, although the programme in question was never identified. We cooperated fully with Chris, providing him with links to further information and avenues of investigation and Chris also took it upon himself to directly contact several of the highly respected authors and academics who have written articles for J7 that are published on our web site. In none of these communications was the nature of the programme in question mentioned, although all those contacted were primed for a possible appearance in a BBC documentary examining the events of 7th July 2005.

    It is difficult to express how appalled and disgusted we felt when we learnt, as we did from your email of last week, that the 'documentary' for which Chris Alcock was soliciting participants is in fact an episode of BBC2's risible Conspiracy Files series.

    For the sake of clarity, it is worth establishing precisely, according to dictionary definitions, what the term ‘conspiracy theory’ means. While the definition of what a ‘theory’ is requires little or no clarification, in law, for it is under the law which alleged criminals are charged for their crimes, a conspiracy is defined as, “an agreement by two or more persons to commit a crime, fraud, or other wrongful act.” Therefore, by the very definition of the term ‘conspiracy theory’ any theory about how the events of 7/7 came to be that involves two or more people making it happen, is in fact a ‘conspiracy theory’. As such, the official government narrative, which is based on four, young, British Muslim men conspiring to kill themselves and others is, technically, by the legal and dictionary definitions of a ‘conspiracy’, a ‘conspiracy theory’. As there has been no due legal process – recall the phrase “innocent until proven guilty” – by which the four accused have had their guilt established beyond reasonable doubt, nor has there been an Independent Public Inquiry held outside of the constraints of the Inquiries Act 2005, the official version of events remains precisely a 'conspiracy theory'.

    The July 7th Truth Campaign has never posited an alternative theory of what happened on 7/7, ‘conspiracy theory’ or otherwise. Therefore, the July 7th Truth Campaign cannot be defined, nor dismissed, as ‘conspiracy theorists’ in the traditional, pejorative sense, nor even the legal sense, of the term for the simple reason that, unlike the ‘conspiracy theorists’ which you are no doubt seeking for your programme, we do not promote any alternative ‘conspiracy theory’ about what might have happened that fateful day. Instead, the basis of the July 7th Truth Campaign has, since its inception, been that of endeavouring to uncover real, tangible evidence about the events of 7/7 and to challenge the official government narrative in instances where evidence proves the falsehoods in this narrative.

    Furthermore, there exists in the public domain absolutely no evidence to support the Home Office narrative, much less evidence which proves it beyond reasonable doubt. Rather, there is evidence in the public domain that directly contradicts the version of events outlined in the Home Office story, evidence that has twice resulted in the Home Office amending the highly flawed narrative that was ten months in the making. It is worth noting that as a result of these two amendments forced by J7’s questioning, the official Home Office narrative has become more convoluted and even less coherent than it was originally, featuring as it now does, a scenario in which the four accused allegedly don their rucksacks on two separate occasions outside Luton station, once at 0649 and then again at 0714.

    The BBC is an organisation funded by the licence-fee paying British public and the State, which itself is funded by the tax-paying British public. The BBC and the State are both public service organisations and, as such, should serve the public who fund their existences. Yet, with regard to the events of 7/7, neither the government nor the BBC can be described to have served the public in any respect, unless promulgating factually inaccurate, unsubstantiated speculations is considered to be a public service. In fact quite the opposite of serving the public has occurred, and both organisations have repeatedly performed a shameful disservice.

    The events of 7th July 2005 resulted in the single biggest loss of life in London since the Luftwaffe bombings of the second World War and, in the two and a half years that have passed since, the behemoth that is the BBC has never yet found within itself the resources, time or inclination to address -- with the level of detail, gravitas and import that such an event deserves – precisely what happened on 7th July 2005, how it happened, or who was responsible for making it happen. Further, the BBC has never endeavoured to tackle the many unanswered questions, anomalies and inconsistencies in the official version of events outlined in the Home Office report dealing with the subject, despite the plight of the bereaved families whose questions about their loved ones have yet to be satisfactorily answered, and despite the continued efforts of the July 7th Truth Campaign to analyse the validity, or otherwise as is more often the case, of the official version of events. Where is the BBC programme championing the cause of the bereaved families and assisting them to obtain the truth from the authorities about how their loved ones died? As one bereaved family member summed up when they contacted us by email, “Yes, we do need the truth to come out (personally speaking I don't believe it has yet) but truth is what it has to be for proper closure.” Indeed, the father of 18 year old Hasib Hussain, accused of perpetrating the explosion on the number 30 bus, when doorstepped by a BBC journalist and TV crew, despaired at having never been shown any evidence of his son’s involvement or guilt.

    It is beyond comprehension that the BBC is not endeavouring to hold the State to account – a state which is already proven to be mendacious, to have lied about Iraq’s WMD, and that has been complicit in the slaughter of over a million Iraqi civilians -- for its production of a speculative, unsubstantiated and entirely evidence-free 'narrative' that is little more than an egregious insult to the victims, their bereaved relatives, and those who survived the event. That the BBC's approach appears instead to be one that will endeavour to portray the July 7th Truth Campaign, or anyone with perfectly legitimate and unanswered questions to which we all deserve answers, as 'Conspiracy Theorists' is still less comprehensible. This approach is as distasteful as it is abhorrent.

    We also noted with extreme interest the following line in your email with regard to your proposed episode of the Conspiracy Files:

    "Throughout our focus will be on establishing the evidence and building up as definitive an account as possible of what happened."

    To the best of our knowledge, "building up as definitive an account as possible of what happened" on 7/7 is not the function of the BBC, for the task of piecing together the story behind what Sir Ian Blair termed, “the largest criminal inquiry in English history”, is the job of the State in the form of the government and police. If you are indeed interested in building up such an account we can only suggest that you, the bereaved families, the survivors who have been all but forgotten as far as the media is concerned and your viewing public would be far better served by an episode of the Conspiracy Files which features representatives from the government and police who have access to information that has hitherto not been made public. After all, it was the Home Office branch of government that produced the official ‘conspiracy theory’ about what happened on 7th July 2005 in the form of a 'narrative' – a story -- that the July 7th Truth Campaign has proven to be based on information that was neither factual nor truthful.

    The July Truth Campaign has been consistently appalled by the fact that, with regard to coverage of anything 7/7 related, the efforts of the BBC have been disingenuous, deceitful and downright dishonest and that no effort has been made to rectify this. There are countless examples where the BBC has, either wittingly or unwittingly, placed misinformation into the public domain, whether this be in ‘news’ items or ‘documentary’ programmes. We outline below a few of the more blatant examples of the BBC’s wilful ignorance of the few facts that are known, or dubious tactics employed:

    • Just one week after 7/7, the BBC broadcast an episode of Real Story with Fiona Bruce which gave considerable time to the eye-witness testimony of Richard Jones, an individual who has given many and varied versions of what he claims to have seen aboard the number 30 bus which means that, at best, he is an extremely unreliable witness. Furthermore, none of his accounts bear any relation to Hasib Hussain. The BBC has never revisited the testimony of Richard Jones.

    • On the afternoon of 7th July 2005 information came to light via BBC Radio Five Live’s Drivetime programme about a private company running a terror rehearsal operation at the time that real explosions were reported to have occurred on the London transport network. This information was revealed by the Managing Director of Visor Consultants, Peter Power who, in his own words, was rehearsing, “simultaneous bombs going off precisely at the railway stations where it happened.” Since the day of 7/7, the BBC has used Peter Power as an ‘independent’ security consultant with monotonous regularity across its entire broadcast media yet, curiously, he has never been questioned about his activities on the day of 7/7 while strenuously making the case for 90 days internment and how the British people must live in fear of another attack as part of what he calls ‘new normal’. Mr Power has also revealed ‘mock broadcasts’ were used as part of his operation and that, “there was a few seconds when the audience didn't realise whether it was real or not.”. Mr Power also featured in a Panorama programme broadcast in May 2004 in which a fictional attack on the London Underground took place, with three explosions occurring on underground trains, followed by another explosion above ground about an hour later. It was the BBC that put together ‘mock broadcasts’ featuring a bona-fide newsreader, Kirsty Lang, who, no doubt coincidentally, just happened to be the ‘relief presenter’ for BBC World on the day of 7/7. This is an irregularity on a par with the efforts of another BBC World presenter, Jane Standley, who announced on 11th September 2001 that WTC Building 7 had collapsed despite it not being hit by a plane, yet the building could be seen standing proudly in the background of her report before the feed fizzled out. WTC7 Building 7 went on to collapse 23 minutes after Jane Standley’s premonitory collapse report announcing it had already done so. Standley and BBC World’s amazing, prophetic foresight was never mentioned during the 9/11 Conspiracy Files and would have made for far more relevant and compelling viewing than the interview with a writer of the X-Files.

    • BBC news stories about the events of 7th July 2005 have regularly and shamefully been presented with a backdrop that deceitfully shows footage of three of the accused taken from 28th June 2005, some 9 days before 7/7. The severity of this deception is further amplified by the fact that this footage has often appeared in edited form so that the actual time and date stamps are not visible. The lack of any CCTV footage from the day of 7/7 has never been questioned by the BBC, nor has the fact that, in the one CCTV image allegedly showing all four perpetrators outside Luton station, three of the faces are completely unidentifiable.

    • On 27 October 2005, a BBC Horizon programme aired, “The 7/7 Bombers – A Psychological Investigation: What makes someone want to blow themselves – and others - up?", featuring forensic psychiatrist Marc Sageman and Dr Andrew Silke, which claimed to offer a psychological profile of the suicide bombers. The programme stated that the accused caught the 0748 train from Luton to King's Cross and that they arrived at King’s Cross at 0826. This was not the case and yet no amendment or apology for the inaccurate version of events outlined in that programme has ever been issued by the BBC. In response to a complaint about these factual inaccuracies, the laughable explanation was that while “re-tracing the journey of the 4 bombers, he [Silke] was not re-enacting it so there are some bits of his journey that do differ from the journey of the bombers.” Quite what the point of re-tracing steps that obviously weren’t taken by the accused remains a mystery. That the train times had been supplied to the programme makers by the Metropolitan Police Specialist Operations office was also worthy of comment and investigation.

    • There are several documented examples demonstrating the BBC’s guilt in editing stories on the BBC News web site where phrases implying details about the alleged bomber’s journey, such as, “Passengers on the 0748 Thameslink from Luton to King's Cross”, have been edited out, yet the ‘last edited’ date and time has, rather disingenuously, not been updated to reflect these amendments. This is in direct contravention of the Press Complaints Commission guidelines which specify, “A significant inaccuracy, mis-leading statement or distortion once recognised must be corrected, promptly and with due prominence, and - where appropriate - an apology published.”

    • The BBC, along with the Metropolitan Police, claimed that the explosion on the Piccadilly Line train occurred by the first set of double doors on carriage one. The BBC web page containing this information was accompanied by a graphic showing this as the alleged seat of the explosion. Without any explanation, the BBC then changed this information to say that the explosion occurred by the second set of double doors and the graphic was updated accordingly. Curiously the Metropolitan Police – whom one might think would be the source for such information – have never amended or updated their account of the explosion being by the first set of double doors.

    While the following information will serve little or no use in the production of an episode of the Conspiracy Files dealing with 7/7, as ‘researchers’ and/or ‘journalists’ you may be interested to note that, while the July 7th Truth Campaign is the only organisation that has been openly and publicly challenging the government on their flawed and inaccurate story of 7/7 since the day the incidents occurred, the government is also being privately challenged by families of the bereaved and survivors with regard to the accuracy of the report. In particular, the government has been taken to task over discrepancies in the alleged locations of the blasts on the underground trains. Another fact that the BBC has failed to investigate is that in August 2006, the then Home Secretary, Dr John Reid, responded that, over a year after the events occurred, a final forensics report had not yet been received.

    More recently, after Coroner Dr Andrew Reid sent, unsolicited and without warning in early December, post-mortem reports to the bereaved, at least one family member has noted that there were "fundamental" differences between what they saw when they viewed their son's body and what the post mortem report said. This too has received no further comment or investigation from the BBC.

    By way of conclusion to this communication, the magnitude and importance of the events of 7/7 and the repercussions of those events must not be underestimated. The official yet unsubstantiated story has been seared into the public consciousness as the 'first suicide-bombings' on British soil, a concept only trumped by the fact that this also qualifies the official story of 7/7 as the first 'suicide bombings' in the whole of Western Europe. The Home Office narrative of 7/7 is repeatedly used as unquestionable justification by the State and its corporate advisor apparatchiks to institute increasingly repressive legislation, including the widely abused 28 days detention without charge while the authorities struggle to uncover the evidence required to bring charges in a court of law. It wasn’t that long ago evidence was required before arrests were made.

    To understand a little more about the wider context of 7/7 and everything that has happened since, one need only look to the words and wisdom of the Ministry of Defence who, on page 81 of a March 2007 report entitled, "The DCDC Global Strategic Trends Programme 2007-2036 (Third Edition)", noted what the State considers to be a core threat in the foreseeable future:

    The Middle Class Proletariat

    The middle classes could become a revolutionary class, taking the role envisaged for the proletariat by Marx. The globalization of labour markets and reducing levels of national welfare provision and employment could reduce peoples’ attachment to particular states. The growing gap between themselves and a small number of highly visible super-rich individuals might fuel disillusion with meritocracy, while the growing urban under-classes are likely to pose an increasing threat to social order and stability, as the burden of acquired debt and the failure of pension provision begins to bite. Faced by these twin challenges, the world’s middle-classes might unite, using access to knowledge, resources and skills to shape transnational processes in their own class interest.

    The official story of 7/7 has been used to demonise and dehumanise the Muslim community, in much the same way that the Jewish community was demonised in 1930s Nazi Germany following a similarly questionable and catalysing event, the Reichstag fire, and has proved to be the enabling factor for the rapid and unchallenged institution of more Draconian laws that impose unprecedented restrictions on the civil liberties of everyone. It is worth remembering that the far-reaching scope of the law, "anti-terrorist" or otherwise, is applicable not just to the Muslim community but to each and every one of us and the State has no qualms about using its laws against anyone and everyone from whom it perceives a threat to what State actors refer to as, “our way of life”.

    These factors are testimony to just how seriously 7/7 requires honest, principled and open-minded investigation to get to the facts and the truth about what happened. Only the truth will stand up to rigorous investigation and questioning yet, to date, this questioning and investigation has fallen to ordinary members of the public who have taken it upon themselves to do so, ordinary members of the public like J7: The July 7th Truth Campaign.

    The July 7th Truth Campaign would be more than happy to participate in any serious programme that honestly examines 7/7 in its correct historical and political context, the government narrative, the lack of evidence to support it, the nonsensical amendments that have been made to the narrative, and the ever increasing list of unanswered questions that engulf the events of 7/7.

    However, we do not feel that the Conspiracy Files is the vehicle that will facilitate this, nor will it treat the event or issues arising from it with the level of seriousness that they demand, and nor will it further the cause of the July 7th Truth Campaign’s quest for the truth about what happened on 7th July 2005. As such, the July 7th Truth Campaign has no intention of participating in the proposed episode of the Conspiracy Files and can only hope you will take on board the points we have raised in this communication in consideration of your public service duty to the people of Britain, a people that includes at least 56 families whom, through your continued refusal to honestly address the events of 7/7, you have hitherto failed abysmally.

    For truth and justice,
    J7: The July 7th Truth Campaign

    --

    Update 1: The independent film-making team behind Ludicrous Diversion have also refused to participate in the BBC Conspiracy Files and once again call into question the integrity, honesty and remit of the BBC. Read their response here.

    Update 2 - 13/06/08: J7 have noted that since our refusal to participate in or co-operate with the making of the BBC's Conspiracy Files, the BBC seem to have approached anyone even remotely connected to the events of July 7th 2005. Many of those approached also declined to be involved. Moreover, a relative of Richard Chang left a very interesting comment on our response to the BBC, suggesting that the BBC have previous form for mendacity when making their 'documentaries' about events which still have yet to be thoroughly, independently and conclusively investigated.

    This week, the UK 9/11 Truth Campaign began advertising an event which is taking place later this month, at which prominent author and researcher Nafeez Ahmed is due to speak; the flyer for which was also advertising the presence of "J7 researchers".

    J7: The July 7th Truth Camapign were not at any time approached with regard to this event, nor were we asked permission for our website to be included on the flyer. After asking for an explanation regarding this oddity, we were told that the "J7 researchers" was in fact Nick Kollerstrom, a man who we recently discovered is a keen participant in the making of the BBC's 'Conspiracy Files' programme, whose approach to 7/7 research is markedly different to that of J7, who recently discovered that his theories regarding the holocaust of the second world war were rather unpopular and who, needless to say, is not affiliated to or associated with J7. It also transpired that the BBC were due to film the event - something which had not been previously made clear to at least one of the participants.

    Mike "I was right away impressed with just how little I knew" Rudin from the BBC stated on Wednesday of this week, "Along with his views of 7/7, Nick Kollerstrom's views about the Holocaust will be scrutinised and challenged in the programme."

    How very unsurprising for a programme apparently dedicated to examining 'conspiracy theories' regarding the horrific events in London in the summer of 2005. In order to reiterate J7's position and to avoid any confusion we sent the following email to the producers of the Conspiracy Files:
    Fri, 13 Jun 2008 4:22 PM
    From "J7: The July 7th Truth Campaign"
    To "Tristan Quinn"
    Cc mike.rudin@bbc.co.uk
    Subject Nick Kollerstrom 7/7 Conspiracy Files

    Dear Tristan

    We recently became aware of a meeting to be held in London on 25th June which you were intending to film for the 7/7 Conspiracy Files programme you are making with Nick Kollerstrom. We were appalled to find that the flyer for this meeting developed by the UK 911 Truth Movement, without our knowledge or consent, advertised a 'J7 researcher' and included a link to our website when no member of J7 knew of the meeting, much less agreed to appear at it. It transpires that this alleged 'J7 researcher' would appear to be one Nick Kollerstrom.

    As the BBC has a duty with respect to the accuracy of facts presented to its viewing public, please be informed that Nick Kollerstrom is not a member of J7: The July 7th Truth Campaign and therefore cannot be classed as a J7 researcher. Kollerstrom is, if anything, a 9/11 researcher who belongs to the 9/11 Truth Movement UK & Ireland and it is with the operations of that group that Kollerstrom is involved with at a high level.

    Over the last few months, Nick has been contacting various members of J7, mostly for information that would be in his possession if he were indeed a serious researcher into the events of 7/7, but also to arrange to collect J7 leaflets. It now transpires that he attended Leeds with your film crew, presumably with J7 leaflets in hand, where he attempted to make contact with the families of the accused.

    These events lead us to suspect that efforts are being made either by or for your production to somehow conflate Kollerstrom with J7.

    Surprisingly enough, not everyone that has questions about the events of 7/7 is a member of J7 and for the BBC to portray otherwise would be a new level of disingenuousness.

    We would like an assurance from you that your Conspiracy Files programme will not be referring to J7 in relation to Kollerstrom or any other researcher.

    Regards
    J7: The July 7th Truth Campaign

    Monday, 3 December 2007

    7/7 Ripple Effect - A Rebuttal and Rejection

    A video was released on 5th November 2007 entitled '7/7 Ripple Effect' which appeared via a website called JforJustice. Both the video and website are authored by Muad'Dib (the name of a fictional character from Frank Herbert's Dune) who believes he is the Sheffield-born messiah and demands 'that he be acknowledged as the Rightful British-Israel King.' He also appears to hold rather offensive, anti-Muslim views:

    .... Therefore the moslems are calling God a liar, which is a satanic thing to do. Satan called God a liar in the Garden of Eden and God condemned Adam and Eve for believing Satan's lies. These satanic lies are now being continued by the moslems when they contradict God by saying that the True Bible no longer exists....

    7/7 The Ripple Effect begins with Muad'Dib saying:
    “Regarding the 7/7/2005 terrorist attacks in London, let us look at the facts, and what we were told, and compare them. Then, using Ockham’s (sic) Razor and common-sense, let us see what conclusions are to be drawn, so we can all understand what most likely really did happen that day.”
    J7: The July Seventh Truth Campaign, who have been researching the events of 7/7 since the day they happened, take issue with any production which can claim to 'understand what most likely really did happen that day', unless this can be backed up with evidence that supports the alternative hypothesis. J7 maintain the view that the official Home Office report into July 7th, released by the Home Office on 11th May 2006, remains totally unproven, as no evidence has ever been placed in the public domain which categorically proves, beyond reasonable doubt, the official version of events. On the contrary, our research has shown that this report contains many errors, inconsistencies and anomalies and, in fact, the Home Office has twice been forced to amend the narrative in response to challenges by J7, resulting in an updated narrative that makes even less sense than the original version did. Our position on attempting alternative narratives which are not based on evidence is very succinctly expressed by a J7 researcher who, after viewing 7/7 Ripple Effect, wisely wrote:
    “Reading the transcript, the impression I get is of an attempt to construct an alternative account of what happened. I don't think this is a good approach. It tends to exclude other possibilities from the debate ie the debate narrows to either jforjustice's account or the Home Office account. There are so very many discrepancies in what has been reported (as documented on this forum) that any number of plausible alternative accounts could be constructed, so I think it is unwise to promote one particular alternative.

    I think it is significant that the opponents of J7 have persistently used the taunt of "what do you think happened then?"; quite recently someone posted on another forum that we don't put our money where our mouth is. This is a trap. As soon as an alternative is put forward, the focus shifts from examining the official account to examining the alternative account.

    As far as I can see, all the material in "The Ripple Effect" has been available for a good two years, so I am curious as to why it is only now that this film has been released."
    So, what does Muad'Dib and 7/7 Ripple Effect claim 'most likely happened that day'?

    After examining the role played by the BBC and Peter Power in the Panorama programme 'London Under Attack' and Power's subsequent 'terror rehearsal exercise' that he was running on the 7th July 2005, examined in detail by J7 here, 7/7 Ripple Effect states:
    “Therefore, as part of the exercise, they would have recruited four young Muslim men to carry four backpacks, that were to contain mock explosive devices.

    Who were their Muslim recruits?

    These Muslim men would naturally buy return train tickets, and not one-way tickets, because they would be going home after playing their parts in the training exercise”.
    No evidence is produced to support this conclusion and no matter how neat and appealing this alternative scenario might be, it remains totally hypothetical and without supporting evidence. Muad'Dib goes on:
    “The fake terrorists have been recruited, the suicide videos have been made, and everyone has been given basic instructions, for the day that the exercise is to be put into operation – 7/7/2005.

    The four mock-terrorist actors were to meet at Luton Train Station at 07:20 AM on the 7th of July 2005 and catch the 07:40 AM train from Luton to Kings’ Cross Thameslink Station, with their pretend-bomb backpacks, and then split up and catch three tube-trains and one bus, to pre-arranged destinations, where the fake explosions were to take place, as part of the training exercise.

    Finally the big day arrived.”
    A convoluted attempt is then made to explain why the only image of the four men accused of being responsible for what happened, taken outside Luton station at 07.21.54, has to be faked:
    "The four men were supposed to arrive together, on time, at Luton Station, and be caught on CCTV, at 07:21:54 AM, entering the station, but three of them are not on the same video frames as Hasib Hussain, so have to be inserted later, using computer software. Hence the obviously, and very badly, doctored official single frame, time-stamped photo that we have been shown, from the CCTV outside Luton Station.

    They can’t show them moving, because it has been faked, that’s why they show only one single frame still photo.

    Why did the authorities have to fake this photo? They would have had to fake it, because three of the actors missed the tube-trains that they were supposed to catch, and which blew up without them being onboard, and so there was no video footage from Verint Systems of them boarding the three tube-trains, for the authorities to be able to use, as false evidence, to try to prove to the public that the Muslims were guilty. So they had to doctor and show us the fake photo instead".
    Again, no evidence is offered as the basis for the statement “the four men were supposed to arrive together” and this is pure unsubstantiated conjecture in the same way that the Home Office has provided no evidence for its version of events. Further, there is no evidence for why Hasib Hussain would be the only one of the four entering Luton Station at 07.21.54. (Note: 7/7 Ripple Effect correctly states that the 7.40am Luton to King's Cross train, which the original Home Office report claims the accused caught, was cancelled on 7th July 2005. That the Home Office changed the official report on 11 July 2006 to say that the accused caught the 7.25 and that the 7.40 had been based on 'erroneous witness statements' fails to make it into Muad'Dib's version of events). Despite the supposed need to 'fake the photo' to show all four men entering the station together 7/7 Ripple Effect still manages to place the accused in King's Cross together -- again, something for which no evidence has ever been provided by the Home Office or police -- albeit too late to catch the tube trains that 7/7 Ripple Effect claims they have been told to board as part of Peter Power's exercise:
    “The first available train the Muslim actors can catch, gets them to King’s Cross after the tube trains have already left without them. Hasib Hussain splits off from the other three at King’s Cross Thameslink station, because he still has time to catch the number 30 bus, as his part in the mock-terror exercise. When the tube-trains they were supposed to catch are blown up, the other three smell a rat and realise they have been duped, and are Muslim patsies who will be blamed for the attacks, and everyone knows what happened to Lee Harvey Oswald.

    The Muslims are not from London. Their homes are many miles away, and so they are like fish out of water, and have no idea what to do, or where to go and hide. They realise that they can’t go home, and do not know anyone in London whom they can trust.”
    It would be highly unlikely, even if this scenario were plausible, that any 'exercise' could arrange for 3 'patsies' to board specific tube trains, especially as the tube that day was subject to many delays and line closures. (7/7 Ripple Effect's constant referral to Khan, Tanweer, Hussain and Lindsay as 'the Muslims' is also highly questionable and we can only wonder if Muad'Dib would refer to these 4 young men as 'the Jews' or 'the Christians' if the official story had alleged that to be the case.)

    On 7th July 2005 there were reports that 'suicide-bombers' had been shot dead at Canary Wharf, Brian Paddick of the Metropolitan Police was even asked at a press conference whether he could confirm these reports, and replied “We have no reports of any police sniper shooting at anybody today”. Once again, there is no tangible evidence to prove or disprove the reports, or the subsequent denial of these reports by Brian Paddick. However, 7/7 Ripple Effect makes the claim that Khan, Tanweer and Lindsay were all shot at Canary Wharf, with a further stretch that perhaps they were attempting to find sanctuary in the offices of a newspaper:

    “If we have at least three of the four "suicide-bombers" shot dead at Canary Wharf, and we KNOW they weren't on the tube-trains that blew up, because the 07:40 AM train from Luton to King's Cross was cancelled that day, then we have overwhelming proof that they did not blow the tube-trains up, and that the blowing up of the three tube-trains was an inside-job.

    At the Canary Wharf Docklands site there are media companies, for the Muslim patsies to have told their story to and cleared their names, if they could, and two possible escape routes, via air from the nearby London City Airport, that has flights to 34 destinations in the U.K. and Europe, and, if they couldn’t fly out, there was the possibility of getting a boat across the channel to France”.

    7/7 Ripple Effect continues on in much the same vein, from which we can only conclude that using every known discrepancy in the reports of the events of July 7th, many of which are examined in detail by J7 in our sections Mind The Gaps I and II, and weaving them into a totally evidence-free and fanciful hypothesis, which would be more honestly described as a 'What If' rather than what 'Really did happen', will do more harm than good in aiding anyone to get to the truth of the events of that day.

    In summing up 7/7 Ripple Effect, we leave the final words to a J7 researcher:

    "... nor is joining up the loose ends in that wretched government "narrative" in the fashion of a Saturday night fictional TV thriller particularly likely to be viewed positively - drop the fantasy references, re-edit it to play as a 'what if?' docudrama that is clearly self explained/described as an unsubstantiated narrative the same as the official governmentt narrative is and it might get more respect, but as it stands, it's just too damn kooky for me to believe it's accidental.

    Sorry Maud, but the people you most need to reach are least likely to take you seriously - if that is a concern of course, and if it's not, then that says quite a lot."
    The advice of the J7 campaign and research collective is simple: Question everything.



    As an addendum to the rebuttal and rejection of 7/7 Ripple Effect, J7 received email notification from Muad'Dib requesting cash donations and assistance in contacting the bereaved families and survivors in order to send them unsolicited copies of this film.

    J7: The July 7th Truth Campaign immediately responded with a refusal to support or condone the film and J7 researchers universally condemned the intentions of Muad'Dib in the unsolicited sending of the film to bereaved families or survivors, re-iterating the point that J7: The July 7th Truth Campaign have never endeavoured to contact bereaved families or survivors. J7 are not in any way party to the making of the 7/7 Ripple Effect. We do not support the film, its producers, its unsubstantiated conjecture, or the sending of the film to relatives of victims or survivors, nor has J7 provided any assistance with locating relatives of the deceased.

    Monday, 5 November 2007

    J7: The July 7th Truth Campaign - J7 Flyer V4

    J7 have published the latest version of the July 7th Truth Campaign flyer. Click on the image below for larger, printable version or download PDF copies of the flyer for printing using the links at the end of this post.


    Saturday, 25 August 2007

    Home Office 'corrections' to the July 7th Official Report

    The Home Office finally responded this week with some answers to FOI requests made by J7 researchers for an explanation as to why the erroneous train time in the Official Report, acknowledged by the then Home Secretary John Reid on the 11th of May 2006, had not been amended in the Report.

    J7 also sought an explanation as to how this error occurred in the first place, and at which time the four suspects actually entered Luton station, since the Official Report appears to imply that the men entered the station twice.

    On January 10th 2007, a J7 researcher asked of the Home Office:
    1. We would like to know why the train time of 7.40 has not been amended in the Official Report.

    2. We would like to know if a full report has been received from the police explaining how this discrepancy came about.

    3. We would like to know when this information will be made public.

    A response was received the following day, stating:
    Dear The July 7th Truth Campaign,

    Thank you for your e-mail of 10/01/2007 1:07:06 PM asking questions about the Report of the Official Account of the Bombings in London on 7th July 2005

    With regard to the 3 questions you asked:

    1: A correction slip is awaiting final approval to be sent to the printers.
    2 A report has been received from the police.
    3: As it is an internal police document it is not designed for publication.

    Yours faithfully
    Crime Reduction and Community Safety Group

    J7 responded, asking for further clarification to this somewhat confusing reply:
    Thank you for the prompt response to our FOI request ref: T1131/7.

    Unfortunately your response was not readable within the email, but we managed to decipher what it said.

    We asked when the Home Secretary will be explaining how the error in the train time occurred, you responded:

    3: As it is an internal police document it is not designed for publication.

    We appreciate that the document may not be published. We are asking for an explanation of how the error occurred, now that you have the police document to explain this.

    We are also concerned that the Official Report claims:

    07.15: Lindsay, Hussain, Tanweer and Khan enter Luton station and go through the ticket barriers together.

    Yet the only CCTV image published of the 4 together, to date, shows them entering Luton station at 7.21.54.

    We therefore make the following FOI requests:

    1. Could you please clarify whether the 4 entered Luton station at 7.15 or 07.21.54.

    2. Now that the internal police document explaining the discrepancy in the time the train left Luton has been made available to the Home Secretary, could we now have an explanation of how this error occurred.

    Regards
    The July 7th Truth Campaign

    After seven months of interim responses, persistence and complaints from J7, the answers eventually arrived on August 23rd:
    Dear the July 7th Truth Campaign ,

    Thank you for your e-mail of 13/03/2007 4:28:26 PM seeking information under the Freedom of Information Act about the Official Account of the 7 July 2005 Bombings in London in which you requested an explanation of how the error in the Official Account of the July 7 Bombings occurred and also asking for clarification as to what time the 4 bombers entered Luton Station. Your request was handled in accordance with the terms of the Freedom of Information Act 2000.

    I apologise for the delay in replying to your information request. After having carefully considered your request and having examined the information that you requested in your letter I am pleased to be able to disclose the following information that you requested.

    About your first query, how the error in the Official Account of the Bombings in London on 7th July occurred, I am able to inform you this discrepancy was due to human error. The relevant part of the police report to the Home Secretary explaining how the error occurred says:

    “It has now become clear that the exact timing of the train’s departure, given as 0740, was based on what were later found to be conflicting witness statements.”

    With regard to your second query asking for clarification as to the time the bombers entered Luton station, I can inform you that a correction to the Official Account has been made. As the Official Account is a Parliamentary publication a correction slip has been entered in the Parliamentary library. This correction has also been published on the Home Office official website. A copy of the correction slip is attached.

    If you are dissatisfied with this response you may request an independent internal review any aspect of our handling of your application. During the internal review the department’s handling of your information request will be reassessed by staff who were not involved in providing you with this response. An internal review can be requested by submitting you complaint, within 2 months of the date of this letter quoting reference 5642 to:

    Information Policy Team
    Record Management Service
    Home Office
    4th Floor, Seacole Building
    Home Office
    2 Marsham Street
    London
    SW1P 4DF

    Should you remain dissatisfied after this internal review, you have a right of complaint to the Information Commissioner as established by section 50 of the Freedom of Information Act

    Yours faithfully
    Office for Security and Counter Terrorism


    Report of the Official Account of the Bombings in London on 7th July 2005

    HC 1087 Session 2005-2006

    ISBN 0 10 293774 5

    CORRECTIONS

    1. Page 4. The time of 07.15 should be changed to 07:14 and the text should read

    “Lindsay walks through the entrance foyer of the station, walks to the ticket hall and appears to check the departure board. Lindsay then walks back out of the station to rejoin Tanweer, Khan and Hussain at the rear of their vehicles. The 4 then put on their rucksacks and walk towards the station. They enter Luton station and go through the ticket barriers together. It is not known where they bought their tickets or what sort of tickets they possessed, but they must have had some to get on to the platform.”

    2. Page 4. The time of 07.40 on the left side of the page immediately preceding the paragraph that commences, “The London King’s Cross train leaves Luton station”. The time of 07.40 is incorrect and should be replaced by 07.25 which is the correct time.

    August 2007

    LONDON: THE STATIONERY OFFICE


    Yours faithfully
    Crime Reduction and Community Safety Group

    Please see the July Seventh People's Independent Inquiry Forum for the full details and discussion of these requests and responses from the Home Office.

    This response has not addressed the specific questions submitted by J7 in the original FOI request.

    The Home Office have explained, that the incorrect train time was given due to "human error" based on "what were later found to be conflicting witness statements" - it appeared not to have occurred to investigators to check which trains were actually running that morning, electing instead to base their findings on witness statements and absolutely no other evidence. J7 pointed out in the FOI requests that there is an internal police document, which the Home Secretary was given, explaining how this error occurred, yet this is ignored in the reply.

    The response also has still not stated at what time the four suspects entered the station, despite J7's very clear question, as to whether it was at 07:15 or 07:21:54.

    Correction 1 in the response above, in fact makes the Official Report even more nonsensical when inserted into the correct section.

    With this correction in place, the amended section of the official Home Office narrative now reads:

    05.07: A red Fiat Brava arrives at Luton station car park. Jermaine Lindsay is alone in this car. During the 90 minutes or so before the others arrive, Lindsay gets out and walks around, enters the station, looks up at the departure board, comes out, moves the car a couple of times. There are a handful of other cars in the car park. A few more arrive during this period.

    06.49: The Micra arrives at Luton and parks next to the Brava. The 4 men get out of their respective cars, look in the boots of both, and appear to move items between them. They each put on rucksacks which CCTV shows are large and full. The 4 are described as looking as if they were going on a camping holiday.

    One car contained explosive devices of a different and smaller kind from those in the rucksacks. It is not clear what they were for, but they may have been for self-defence or diversion in case of interception during the journey given their size; that they were in the car rather than the boot; and that they were left behind. Also left in the Micra were other items consistent with the use of explosives. A 9mm handgun was also found in the Brava. The Micra had a day parking ticket in the window, perhaps to avoid attention, the Brava did not.

    07:14: Lindsay walks through the entrance foyer of the station, walks to the ticket hall and appears to check the departure board. Lindsay then walks back out of the station to rejoin Tanweer, Khan and Hussain at the rear of their vehicles. The 4 then put on their rucksacks and walk towards the station. They enter Luton station and go through the ticket barriers together. It is not known where they bought their tickets or what sort of tickets they possessed, but they must have had some to get on to the platform.

    So, having put on their rucksacks at 6:49, the men apparently do so again at just after 7:14, with Lindsay checking the departure board again at this time, having done so previously at 05.07.

    1. Did Lindsay enter the station and look at the departure board during the 90 minutes whilst waiting for the others to arrive and then again at 7.14?

    2. Did they put their rucksacks on at 6.49 or after 7.14?

    J7 will be asking these questions in our response to this rather absurd 'clarification' from the Home Office.

    Monday, 13 August 2007

    Interview with Thomas Ikimi, cousin of Anthony Fatayi-Williams & director of The Homefront

    "Anyone who thinks the [Home Office] report is a full account is not being serious or realistic. The holes are so glaring, that even as a story, it isn't a very good one."

    -- Thomas Ikimi

    On Friday 3rd August 2007, the July 7th Truth Campaign was contacted by Thomas Ikimi, the film-maker cousin of 7/7 victim Anthony Fatayi-Williams, with details about a newly released film dedicated to the memory of Anthony:

    My cousin Anthony Fatayi-Williams was one of the 52 lost in the attacks. I wanted to let you know that I have been working on a project since July 2005 in relation to the bombings and my experiences as a family member affected by it. It is a documentary and it was released two days ago online via the website www.thehomefrontmovie.net



    Intrigued that at last one of the families bereaved on 7/7 was trying to tell their story of 7/7 and what followed, J7 arranged an interview with the film's director, Thomas Ikimi.

    Read the J7 interview with Thomas Ikimi here.

    Wednesday, 4 July 2007

    Professor Michael Clarke identifies 7/7 detonation devices

    "There is no evidence at the bomb sites of remote detonation, nor of any material at the bomb factory which would suggest that they intended to construct remote detonators. The fact that Hussain seems to have bought a battery that morning may provide further indication that they were using self-detonating devices."

    Speaking about last weekend's terror alerts in Haymarket and Glasgow airport on Channel 4 News earlier this week, Professsor Michael Clarke of King's College London said:
    "Mobile phones were an important forensic element in the July the 7th bombings of two years ago. Since the detonators there were mobile phones and bits of phones were recovered, and SIM cards were also recovered, which are very vital."

    Professor Michael Clarke
    Professor of Defence Studies, Kings College London
    Channel 4 News, 2nd July 2007

    What does Professor Michael Clarke know about the events of 7th July 2005 that the rest of us don't know and aren't being told?

    Sunday, 1 July 2007

    New J7 Website Content - King's Cross/Russell Square Analysis



    After many months of research J7 are pleased to publish a detailed analysis and summary of the events that occurred around the King's Cross and Russell Square areas of the London Underground on 7th July 2005. This analysis covers the official version of events including a timeline, how the story broke in the media, how the story changed dramatically, an analysis of the two train numbers, confusing accounts from the first responders and eye-witness accounts that contradict the official version of events.


    The suicide-bomber theory is also examined including the strange identification of Germaine Lindsay as the person responsible for this explosion. The article also examines the fiasco of the Casualty Bureau and further anomalies surrounding the incident with a summary of the many unanswered questions regarding this incident.

    For the full details, please visit the J7 site and read the article here.

    Sunday, 10 June 2007

    J7 interviewed on Channel 4 News

    A specially commissioned Channel 4 survey shows 59% of Muslims don't believe the government has told the whole truth about 7/7. The survey of 500 British Muslims, carried out by GFK NOP, found that nearly a quarter don't believe the four men identified as the London bombers were responsible for the attacks and 52% believe that the British security services have "made up" evidence to convict terrorist suspects.

    While the Channel 4 news survey focused on beliefs among the Muslim community, the J7 group of independent public researchers is comprised predominantly of non-Muslims and includes people of all races, colours and creeds indicating that similar research among the non-Muslim community would be likely to show similar results.

    Indeed the comments submitted by Channel 4 News viewers who saw the piece seem to support this. Darshna Soni’s follow up blog makes the point, “But dozens of you pointed out that it isn’t just British Muslims who question the official narrative.”

    A few of the non-Muslim commenters who are also sceptical about the official version of events include:

    "Well done Ch4 and thanks for bringing the survey and a number of important issues to the attention of the British public. Do bear in mind many British non-Muslims also question the official version of 7/7."

    “I am white and middle class, and I also think that the government has not told us the truth about 7/7.”

    "Why don't you ask the same question of non-Muslims? i.e. 'do you trust the authorities and the government?' - you might be surprised by the result, as its not only Muslims who no longer believe the Bliar government."

    “Why only ask Muslims about this? It isn’t only Muslims who believe this.”

    "I am a white female atheist and I don't believe the government has told us the whole truth about the 7/7 bombings. I don't believe the conspiracy theories either. So, for this survey you could also have asked Muslims, Sikhs, Christians and atheists what they thought. I'd be prepared to bet that the answer to the question 'has the government told the truth about 7/7' would be broadly similar in all of those."

    “You need to carry out a survey of non-Muslims - you might get a result that is not all that different.”

    “I think you’ll find the majority of non-Muslims living in Britain would give the same answers.”

    "The government and security services lied about weapons of mass destruction, they lied about the reason for the war, and after the shooting of an innocent man on the tube, more lies were told. Is it any wonder that many Muslims do not believe the government?! So do many non-Muslims."

    "I think you have missed the point somewhat, as it is not only a view commonly held among Muslims but also among many English nationals and people around the world."

    "You will find massive support for the Muslim view, and not just from Muslims."

    “You don’t need to look only at the Muslims community to find people (a) believing in conspiracy surrounding that particular event or (b) feeling let down, manipulated and betrayed by their own government.”

    Also worth looking at is the list of over 1300 signatories of the J7 RELEASE THE EVIDENCE Petition which, once again, seems to indicate quite clearly that it isn’t just Muslims who don’t believe the government has told the whole truth about 7/7.

    In another piece on the Channel 4 web site, Darshna Soni highlights a few of the more egregious errors and inconsistencies in the official Home Office report, something that hasn’t been done since the Guardian article by Mark Honigsbaum which featured J7 (the J7 response to the article is here).

    You can watch Darshna Soni's original report, Survey: 'government hasn't told truth about 7/7', here, read viewer comments on the piece here and Darshna Soni's follow-up blog here. See also 7/7 The Conspiracy Theories which explains some of the anomaliles in the official story and Conspiracies and Cover-Ups.

    Given the historical and widely accepted history of terrorism on the British mainland, particularly with regard to alleged instances of 'Irish terrorism', it would be unwise not to acknowledge the lessons learned from the cases of the Guildford 4, Birmingham 6, Maguire 7, Danny McNamee and Judith Ward, amongst others. All of these people were convicted of terrorist crimes for politically expedient purposes and served long prison sentences on the basis of State-manufactured evidence and the suppression by the State of evidence that proved their innocence.

    The barbaric sentences handed out to five young men in the Crevice trial, based on the evidence of a Supergrass, the likely involvement of an intelligence services agent, as well as the use of forced confessions extracted under torture abroad are more recent examples of how similar tactics to those developed in Northern Ireland are now being used against British Muslim subjects, the perceived enemy of the day.

    It will be interesting to see if and how Channel 4 follow up the piece.

    Friday, 8 June 2007

    New J7 Website Content - Edgware Road Analysis


    After many months of research J7 are pleased to publish a detailed analysis and summary of the events that occurred around the Edgware Road and Paddington areas of the London Underground on 7th July 2005. The analysis covers the official version of events including a timeline, how the story broke in the media, the confusing eye-witness accounts of sighting Mohammed Sidique Khan on the train, the MPS account of three trains being involved including 'a blast through a tunnel wall' and the discrepancies in the journeys of some of the victims. We also analyse the Resilience Mortuary and the strange use of two hotels as temporary morgues. The article also examines the TrackerNet images from the morning of July 7th, further anomalies surrounding the incident and a summary of the unanswered questions regarding the incident site.

    For the full details, please visit the J7 site and read the article here.

    Tuesday, 29 May 2007

    New content added to J7 web site

    After many months of research, J7 are pleased to publish a detailed analysis and summary of the events that occurred around the Liverpool Street, Aldgate and Aldgate East areas of the London Underground on 7th July 2005. The analysis covers the official version of events including a timeline, how the story broke in the media, the confusing accounts of where exactly the blast occurred, the conflicting accounts of which line the train was travelling on and in which direction it was travelling and a look at the witness reports. The article also looks at companies involved in TFL, the TrackerNet images from the morning of July 7th, further anomalies surrounding the incident and a summary of the unanswered questions regarding the incident site.

    For the full details, please visit the J7 site and read the article here.

    Sunday, 13 May 2007

    Tayab Ali's post-Crevice Trial Statement on behalf of Salahuddin Amin - Video & Transcript



    Below is full transcript of the statement given by lawyer Tayab Ali, on behalf of Salahuddin Amin, as given outside the Old Bailey at the end of the Crevice trial on 30/04/07:

    This statement is provided on behalf of Salahuddin Amin:
    In the name of God, the most compassionate, the merciful.

    I am innocent.

    An outrageous confidence trick has been played on the jury, and against me.

    I was convicted by false evidence and the fruits of torture.

    I am innocent.

    I told the jury the truth.

    I am innocent.

    I told the jury I had been tortured and mistreated by the ISI, the Pakistani intelligence services, over a ten month period of illegal detention in Pakistan during 2004.

    I told the jury how the British security services were responsible for my illegal detention, mistreatment, and illegal transfer to the UK.

    Even though I am a British Citizen, the British government did not lift a finger to protect me from abuse and torture.

    In fact, the British authorities made it worse by interrogating me at the same time as knowing I had been tortured.

    The British government have been able to hide their shameful involvement in my illegal detention and torture in secret sessions which occurred during the trial.

    These hearings cannot be reported to you, the public. They continue to hide behind this veil.

    I demand they tell the truth about what they did to me.

    I demand the truth about the other people who are still in secret detention and being tortured as part of this misguided war on terror.

    I was illegally detained with some of these people. I know that some of them were treated far worse than I was, while British, American, and Canadian intelligence officers stood ready to benefit from the unreliable fruits of torture.

    I demand an apology from the head of the security services and the British government about what they did to me.

    I demand an explanation as to how this could have happened.

    My wrongful conviction has given a green light to those who carry out the heinous act of torture on behalf of civilised western governments.

    I will continue to fight to clear my name.

    Thank you.
    For other statements made by Crevice defence lawyers, and additional information about Operation Crevice, please see the Operation Crevice section of the J7 web site.

    Tuesday, 1 May 2007

    Imran Khan's post-Crevice Trial Statement

    Below is a transcript of Imran Khan's statement, given outside the Old Bailey, on behalf of the 5 (of 7) men convicted in the Crevice trial that ended on 30/04/07:
    I'm giving this statement on behalf of those defendants convicted today, that is Omar Khyam, Anthony Garcia, Waheed Mahmood, Jawad Akbar, and Salahuddin Amin. These are their words that they wish me to read out:

    In the name of Allah the merciful, the compassionate, we bear witness there is nothing worthy of worship except Allah, and Mohammed as his messenger.

    This was a prosecution driven by the security services, able to hide behind a cloak of secrecy, and eager to obtain ever greater resources and power to encroach on individual rights.

    There was no limit to the money, resources and underhand strategies that were used to secure convictions in this case.

    This case was brought in an atmosphere of hostility against Muslims, at home, and abroad. One stoked by this government throughout the course of this case.

    This prosecution involved extensive intrusion upon personal lives, not only ours, but our families and friends.

    Coached witnesses were brought forward. Forced confessions were gained through illegal detention, and torture abroad. Threats and intimidation was used to hamper the truth. All with the trial judge seemingly intent to assist the prosecution almost every step of the way.

    These were just some of the means used in the desperate effort to convict. Anyone looking impartially at the evidence would realise that there was no conspiracy to cause explosions in the UK, and that we did not pose any threat to the security of this country.

    It is not an offence to be young, Muslim and angry at the global injustices against Muslims.

    Allah says in the Qur'an, "Oh mankind, worship your Lord who created you, and those before you, that you may become righteous."

    And that's the end of the statement. Thank you.

    An MP3 audio recording of Imran Khan's statement can be found here, courtesy of J7: The July 7th Truth Campaign.

    The July 7th Truth Campaign believes that the complaints and allegations made by the defendants in their statement should be taken very seriously, especially in the light of the numerous miscarriages of justice in cases of alleged Irish terrorism.

    The end of the Crevice trial has resulted in renewed calls for an Independent Public Inquiry into the events of 7th July 2005. J7 wish to reiterate the point - as previously made by Amnesty International, the Law Society of England and Wales and Geraldine Finucane, the widow of murdered Irish Human Rights lawyer, Patrick Finucane - that under the Inquiries Act 2005, which passed into law on 7 June 2005, full control of all inquiries is held by the executive, meaning there can be no such thing as a truly 'independent' or 'public' inquiry.

    Monday, 26 February 2007

    The economics of 7/7 and other mysteries of capitalism explained

    "If a country like the former Soviet Union, armed to the teeth and with the massive resources of the state could not achieve the alleged objective of overthrowing capitalism after seventy-five years, it is reasonable to ask the question, why has the British state embarked on a policy of creating a de facto police state replete with laws which have more than a passing similarity to those passed by both Hitler and Mussolini?"

    Writer and journalist William Bowles on The economics of 7/7 and other mysteries of capitalism explained in an article written specially for the July 7th Truth Campaign.

    Saturday, 24 February 2007

    New J7 Article: Capitalising on Terror

    "Oh well......I wasn't using my civil liberties anyway"

    Capitalising on Terror: Who is really destroying our freedoms?

    The threat of terrorist attacks cannot fail to be embedded into the consciousness of almost all who reside in this country. The UK has been under the shadow of terrorism for many decades from one 'enemy' or another. Even as the emergency response was still under way on the 7th of July 2005, politicians and public figures were praising the defiant spirit of the British public in the face of atrocity.

    However, it is fair to say that the psychological effects of such events vary across the general population. With the constant “When, not if” type warnings ringing in the ears of the British public, almost relentless news coverage of 'terror raids' and 'foiled plots', it is virtually impossible not to feel that we should be fearing for our safety. But how do we know we're being given an accurate picture of exactly what the threat is and from where it's coming? How do we know that if we live in a major city, every time we step out of doors or use the public transport system we will not be met with 'death and destruction on an unprecedented scale'?

    Alternatively, how likely is it that we will? In today's Britain, people are now charged – and in some cases jailed - for even thinking about terrorism and details of suspected terrorists' plans can be revealed to the media even though it is also admitted that the intelligence that led to the raids "could be wrong" . The J7 campaign is extremely concerned that the measures put in place that are supposedly designed to protect the public could actually present a bigger threat to our safety and freedom than terrorism itself, and constructing more of a climate of fear than the terrorists ever could........

    Recently the Archbishop of York, Dr John Sentamu, suggested that modern day Britain is comparable to Idi Amin's regime in Uganda. Around the same time the leader of Birmingham Central Mosque, Dr Mohammed Naseem, compared life for Muslims in the UK to that of the life of Jews in Nazi Germany. In among the furore that ensued among the liberal intelligentsia, the leader of the Conservative Party, David Cameron, gently reminded everyone that the laws don't just apply to Muslims, or terrorists, the laws apply to everyone. If you are reading this in Britain, that means you.

    Read the full article on the J7 site here.

    Tuesday, 6 February 2007

    J7: The London Bombings Dossier, A forensic analysis by David Minahan

    J7 are pleased to announce a major new area of content on the J7 web site, the J7 London Bombings Dossier - A Forensic Analysis of the London Bombings. The dossier was compiled and researched by former National President of the MSF Union (now Amicus), David Minahan. David also worked as a claims investigator for an insurance company and also a leading firm of solicitors and has extensive experience of 'forensic' investigation.

    From the dossier's introduction:

    A Forensic Analysis of the 7/7 London Bombings,
    by David Minahan

    Introduction

    The London Bombings dossier is a well-researched study and analysis of the events of 7th July 2005 and was received by the July 7th Truth Campaign in hard-copy format. Since receiving the hard copy version of the dossier, J7 have managed to obtain electronic copies of the dossier's summaries from the author. J7 researchers have verified the research contained within the dossier and converted the in-depth printed dossier into the electronic version that is reproduced here.

    The July 7th Truth Campaign are reproducing this dossier for the wealth of information it contains, the depth of research and its compilation of related pieces of information that, in the time that has passed since the events to which the dossier refers, seem to have disappeared from the public consciousness. J7 does not necessarily endorse the views, findings or conclusions contained in the dossier and is making the dossier available here for informational purposes.

    The original dossier consisted of “print offs” of various internet items, arranged into folders. Each individual folder consisted of around ten “exhibits” annotated with reference numbers in the top right hand corner of the page. The folders were divided into twenty six subject headings, and in five cases into two sub folders. There were, therefore, a total of thirty one folders, and approximately three hundred and ten exhibits.

    Although other relevant items came to light during the research, for ease of reference, each folder was restricted to ten items only. It is appreciated that different press reports may have come from the same agency source resulting in some duplication.

    As with the original dossier, in reproducing the information contained within it, wherever possible, priority has been given to the statements of named witnesses, either quoted in the press or, ideally on their own blogs. Also contemporaneous, (or near contemporaneous) reports from local papers, in particular the Evening Standard and the Hampstead and Highgate Express, rather than national newspapers, feature significantly.

    Each folder contains the writer's summary of its contents with reference made to certain of the exhibits. Hopefully, however, all the items are of relevance and not just those commented upon. The majority of the folders deal with sites of explosions, or suspected explosions. In addition there are eight that deal with background items - “advance warnings” “media restrictions” etc.

    As far as possible the folders have been arranged so that related sites and subjects follow chronologically.

    To read the complete dossier, please click here.

    Saturday, 3 February 2007

    J7 Petition reaches 1000 signatures

    Launched under six months ago, the J7 'Release the Evidence' petition has now been signed by over 1000 people. This is a clear indication of how strongly people feel that we need to see the facts about this atrocity. Thanks to everybody who's taken the time to sign and distribute the petition....all of you are a force for change.

    Saturday, 20 January 2007

    Above Top Secret interviews the J7 Campaign

    We were lucky enough to be offered an interview with ATS over the holidays, which you can read below. It was also discussed on their forum here.

    ATS interviews the July 7th Truth Campaign


    Every member of ATS will remember July 7th 2005. That morning, many of us UK members went straight into chat to discuss the bombings. The fear of what happened touched us in many ways and many of us asked questions to what happened to that day. Many members of ATS found holes in the official story that was issued by the UK Government. To find out more about July 7th, I have conducted an interview with the July 7th Campaign. These guys have campaigned long and hard to get a public inquiry to what happened that day, even when the Government has said no. Below is the interview that i conducted




    ATS: Thank you for taking time to answer some questions regarding July 7th, many at ATS will enjoy this interview. July 7th was a tragic day for the United Kingdom and many have demanded a public inquiry to what happened, but the Government has said no. Why won't the Government hold one?

    Thank you for offering J7 the interview and the opportunity to respond to your questions about 7/7 and the July 7th Truth Campaign.

    Why the government won't hold a public inquiry is a good question and one to which the government have given a number of responses, none of the which are particularly valid and none of which can be excused given the severity and magnitude of what happened.

    For the answer to why a public inquiry into the events of 7th July 2005 has not been held so far, it is perhaps best to refer to the words of the British Prime Minister, Tony Blair, who said: "If we ended up having a full scale public inquiry... we would end up diverting a massive amount of police and security service time and I don't think it would be sensible." Indeed, Downing Street has also dismissed the whole notion of a public inquiry as "a ludicrous diversion" so the government has made perfectly clear its opinion on an inquiry into the largest loss of life in London since the Luftwaffe bombings of the second world war.

    The nonsense of excuses presented by the government for not holding a public inquiry is further compounded for anyone who has any knowledge of other far less serious events into which the British government has held public inquiries.

    Tony Blair said: "I do accept that people want to know exactly what happened. We will make sure they do." Yet, to date, the people do not know exactly what happened, nor how it happened, nor who was responsible for making it happen. Yes, there is an 'official version' of events, the 'Report of the Official Account of the Bombings in London on 7th July' as released by the Home Office on 11 May 2006, but that story is flawed and inaccurate if the established facts have anything to do with it. Furthermore, the government account is not backed up with any tangible evidence - merely hearsay, speculation, assumptions and presuppositions - nor could it be because of the huge and glaring factual inaccuracies contained within it which, to this day, remain uncorrected and unclarified. J7 suggests that if the official account of events were the truth, then there would be no discrepancies, no errors, nor any inconsistencies in the account. Facts, after all, are facts but you won't find many, if any, of those in the official Home Office report.


    ATS: What do you say to those who have branded you and your team "Conspiracy Theorists", who are making outlandish theories and are refusing to accept the official story?

    The simple answer is that such a charge is completely invalid because, quite simply, we don't have a theory about what happened on 7/7! Our position from the outset has been that precisely nothing about the government and media versions of events makes any sense at all and, further, their story is entirely unsupported by evidence that would stand up in a court of law.

    Without a full and independent public inquiry, the events of 7th July 2005 will never face the judicial scrutiny that they deserve. Additionally, the judicial system in the UK operates on a presumption of innocence; that is, "Innocent until proven guilty". In the case of July 7th and the four young British men accused by the government of perpetrating the attack on London, there is no evidence in the public domain that conclusively proves their guilt and in this perhaps one might find at least part of the reason why the government has thus far refused to hold a public inquiry.

    Furthermore, it is imperative to understand exactly what a conspiracy theory is, for the actual definition is rather different to the conventional perception of what one is. While definitions of the word 'theory' are generally consistent, J7 always recommend that anyone who wishes to believe we are 'conspiracy theorists' refer to a dictionary and check the meaning of the word 'conspiracy'. An approximate legal definition of the word conspiracy is, "An agreement between two or more persons to commit a crime or accomplish a legal purpose through illegal action". If one applies that definition in the context of the term 'conspiracy theory', then any theory about what happened on 7/7 which involves more than one person conspiring to undertake the criminal activity that occurred that day is, technically, a 'conspiracy theory'.
    As we have no theory at all the allegation that we are 'conspiracy theorists' is unfair and unwarranted. The British government, however, has published their theory of how 7/7 came to be, which involves 'two or more persons' conspiring to commit a crime, the truth of the matter is that the British government better fit the true definition of the term
    'conspiracy theorists'.


    ATS:Was The July Seventh Truth Campaign influenced in anyway shape or form by the 9/11 truth movement in the United States?

    The answer to that question might surprise a lot of people as the 9/11 truth movement in the United States has been an influence, but not in the way that people might think. From a purely UK perspective, the 9/11 movement in the U.S. appears to be divided on more issues than it is united on and there appears to be a lot of discussion and argument about
    what might have happened if the official version of events is not what actually happened. Without a full and thorough investigation that examines all the available evidence, we think it is unwise to speculate what might have happened because, without a proper examination of the evidence, it is impossible to know. So, in terms of the influence of the U.S. 9/11 truth movement on the July 7th Truth Campaign, rather than speculate and further confuse issues we have chosen to highlight that there is no evidence in the public domain that could be used to prove conclusively one story or another about 7/7. This is precisely why we are calling on the government and authorities to release the evidence that either proves, or disproves, the official version of events as outlined in the Home Office 'narrative'.


    ATS: The official story is that a al-Qa'ida mastermind recruited British born Muslims to carry out the attacks on July 7th. But there are holes in the official story, such as return tickets and one of the targets is a large Muslims area in London. My question is this, is the official story some sort of "scary story" to support Government's anti-terror
    legislation?


    There are so many holes, speculations, inconsistencies and outright factual errors in the official story that it isn't really worth the paper it's printed on. We recommend that anyone who is interested enough to investigate further reads the official account of events as a starting point and decides for themselves whether or not the 41-page document could be considered credible or sufficient explanation for how 56 people were killed in the heart of London.

    Until 7th July 2005, so called anti-terrorist legislation in the UK was largely riding on the back of the events that occurred in New York on September 11th 2001, with occasional reference to the Madrid train bombings. Since 7th July 2005, British anti-terrorist legislation has undergone several revisions, all of which has sailed through Parliament, without question nor challenge, precisely because of 7/7.

    So, in answer to your question, yes, the official story - if the errors and anomalies in it are ignored and the story is taken at face value - has absolutely provided all the justification the government needs to roll out any legislation it requires. In addition to facilitating the unhindered passing of 'anti-terrorism' legislation, 7/7 has also resulted in the demonisation, dehumanisation and vilification of Muslims by much of the mainstream media. This unquestionably racist propaganda has been ramped to such a level that barely a day goes by without the news featuring stories, usually with little or no basis in fact, about the perceived threat from young, British-born Muslims.


    ATS: On that the day, the four men traveled to London via a train from Luton. Metropolitan Police confirmed that they took the 0740 Thameslink train from Luton to Kings Cross on the morning of July 7th. However, The July Seventh Truth Campaign has called this "the impossible train journey". What do you mean by that?

    "The impossible train journey," means precisely that, an impossible train journey. Any credible theory about what happened on 7th July 2005 requires facts upon which it should be based, yet the official government account of events places the accused on a 7.40am Luton to King's Cross Thameslink train which, categorically, was cancelled and did not run that day. This might seem like a minor detail, but if the government, with all the 'intelligence' and 'security' resources it has at its disposal, cannot obtain and report such a basic and easy to verify fact correctly, how much faith can anyone place in the rest of their story?

    J7 researchers had confirmed from the Thameslink train operating company that the 7.40am train was cancelled on the morning of 7th July and this information was placed in the public domain in August 2005. Yet, when the official report was published, some 10 months after the incidents to which it referred, the government still got it wrong. We believe that this level of inaccuracy cannot be allowed to stand and, in fact, the British Home Secretary, Dr John Reid, stood before Parliament two months after the release of the official report and admitted this error existed in the government's account. As a result of this admission, we learnt
    that the Home Office did not obtain the train time information from the train operating company. It then transpired that the Home Office had not even bothered to check the train details with the police, so one might be tempted to ask quite where they obtained the erroneous information about what we refer to as the impossible train journey.

    Since then, Dr Reid has been forced to acknowledge additional errors in the Home Office report, including crucial details such as the precise locations of the explosions on the trains involved. In fact, as far as the Home Office report goes, they are expecting the British public to believe that they have not yet managed to determine the type of the explosives used. Well, the forensic testing processes that would determine the type of explosives used would produce results in anything from a few minutes to a few hours. A worst case example might require a couple of days to produce the results so, yet again, the British public would do well to wonder why the government was unable to identify the explosives in 10 months of investigation.

    It beggars belief that any true and just account of events could be so hideously flawed and lacking in information, especially when the government is expecting the British public to accept their 'narrative' of events in place of a full and independent public inquiry. We have documented many of these factual errors, inconsistencies and anomalies on the July 7th Truth Campaign web site in a feature called Mind The Gaps Part 1 and Mind The Gaps Part 2. See:
    http://julyseventh.co.uk/july-7-mind-the-gaps-part-1.html and
    http://julyseventh.co.uk/july-7-mind-the-gaps-part-2.html


    ATS: Last question. The Government has said no to a public inquiry and is still refusing the calls to have one by many groups. A public inquiry, in the eyes of the Government, would be waste of time and effort that will distracting for them. In your own words, why is a public inquiry so important?

    On this point we are in agreement with the government for, in the eyes of the July 7th Truth Campaign, a public inquiry would be a waste of time, but not for the reasons that the government specify. Precisely one month before the events of 7/7, a new piece of legislation came into force, known as the Inquiries Act 2005. The Inquiries Act 2005 was, in part, brought about in response to the call for a full and Independent Public Inquiry into the brutal murder of Pat Finucane. He was shot dead by two masked men on 12 February 1989 in front of his wife and his three children at their home in Belfast, Northern Ireland. He was shot 14
    times, including at close range. In the aftermath of his killing, evidence emerged that police and military intelligence agents had colluded with Loyalist paramilitaries in his murder. There were also allegations of an official cover-up of such collusion. As a result of the Inquiries Act 2005, Mr Finucane's widow wrote to the judiciary calling on them to boycott any inquiry held under the terms of the act into her husband's death.

    Congressman Chris Smith named the Parliamentary bill that preceded that act "the Public Inquiries cover-up bill" and the act that was passed effectively renders ultimate control of all public inquiries to the executive, meaning that any inquiry held under its terms would result in the government investigating itself and determining which aspects of 7/7 are investigated and reported, or if they are investigated at all. The Inquiries Act also prevents investigation of the security services and grants the government the right to shut down any or all avenues of inquiry at their discretion. As any reasonable person will understand, this is a less than desirable position and will not produce anything that vaguely resembles a truly Independent Public Inquiry.
    What is interesting to note is that, of all the diverse groups calling for a public inquiry, only the July 7th Truth Campaign has raised the issue of the Inquiries Act 2005 as being a major obstacle to obtaining an independent inquiry.

    For the record, Amnesty International has called for the boycott of inquiries proposed under the terms of the Inquiries Act 2005 and, to date, no judges have been found that will agree to participate in an inquiry into the killing of Patrick Finucane. J7's position is that if the Inquiries Act is not fit for the purpose of investigating state collusion in the killing of one man almost 20 years ago, then it is certainly not fit for the purpose of investigating the killing of 56 people on 7th July 2005. Consequently, the July 7th Truth Campaign's calls for a public inquiry specifically state that any inquiry into the events of 7/7 must be a public inquiry and that it must be conducted outside of the terms of the Inquiries Act 2005 and, further, that this piece of legislation needs to be repealed.

    For anyone that is interested in learning more about the events of 7th July 2005, please see the July 7th Truth Campaign web site at:
    http://julyseventh.co.uk/

    and our research forum at:
    http://z13.invisionfree.com/julyseventh/

    The July 7th Truth Campaign has launched a petition calling on the government to Release The Evidence that will conclusively prove, beyond reasonable doubt, the veracity, or otherwise, of the Home Office's account of events. We would urge Above Top Secret readers to sign the J7 Release The Evidence petition at: http://petitiononline.com/j7truth/

    There is also an excellent summary of the official story and the evidence - or lack there-of - in a documentary called Ludicrous Diversion which can be viewed on Google Video:


    http://video.google.com/videoplay?docid=-4943675105275097719
    =============================================

    In solidarity, for truth and justice,
    J7 - The July 7th Truth Campaign
    --
    The July 7th Truth Campaign
    Web: http://julyseventh.co.uk/
    Forum: http://z13.invisionfree.com/julyseventh/
    Petition: http://www.petitiononline.com/j7truth/

    I would like to thank the July 7th Truth Campaign for taking time to answer questions and to take part in this interview for ATS


    Related News Links:
    www.petitiononline.com
    z13.invisionfree.com
    julyseventh.co.uk

    Monday, 13 November 2006

    New profile of Mohammad Sidique Khan

    A new, updated profile of Mohammad Sidique Khan is now on the J7 Site, including information from Khan's personnel file at Hillside School correlated with conflicting information from other FOI disclosures, which in turn conflict with the Official Report. The profile also covers the revelations of an IT expert who claimed to have worked with Khan and Khan's alleged links through the Iqra to white Muslim converts, one of whom is a former anti-terrorism operative and the other with reported links to al-Qa'ida. Neither of these men are mentioned in the Official Report, despite their apparent connection to Khan and Beeston. Also included is an analysis of the supposed 'bonding mission' of a white-water rafting session in Wales, the erroneous reports of his involvement with 'terrorist activities' abroad and the apparent prior knowledge of Khan by the security services, who curiously sat back and did nothing, despite deciding he was worthy of quite intense surveillance.

    To view the profile, click here.

    Thursday, 2 November 2006

    On the hypothesis of the article on London bombings

    J7 is pleased to reproduce the first draft of interdisciplinary researcher and writer Fazal Rahman's follow up to his August 2005 article, "London bombings: the unasked and unanswered questions". In "On the hypothesis of the article on London Bombings", reproduced below, Rahman explores hypotheses other than the evidence-free conspiracy theory touted by the British government in the Home Office narrative and disseminated by a compliant, complicit and unquestioning British media:

    On the hypothesis of the article on London bombings

    The article, “London bombings: the unasked and unanswered questions” was written on August 8, 2005, a month after the July 7th bombings. At that time, it was submitted to only one group in the UK, Red Pepper. They decided not to publish it.

    On October 28, 2006, I submitted that same article, without any changes, to the Indymedia in Oxford. Through their link to the www.indymedia.org.uk, it also got published there.

    Later, I was informed by the July 7th Truth Campaign www.julyseventh.co.uk, that it was also published on www.rinf.com, here. That is how I came to know about July 7th and RINF.

    Nine comments have been posted, so far, on the article on the above Indymedia web sites. Some are very nasty, mindless, and vulgar, with the intent to provoke, smear, and disinform; a couple are supportive of the basic premises of the article’s hypothesis; while others reproduce the government information and conclusions, totally uncritically and unquestioningly, expressing annoyance that someone is raising some questions about those Absolute Truths!

    On October 30, I found that the article had been abruptly removed from the front page of Oxford Indymedia! That is unusual as the articles there, as well as on the other web sites, normally run their course, descending gradually under the newly published articles. On October 31, I could not find the article on the Oxford Indymedia site at all in the archives. It seems that they have completely removed it! They only allowed it to stay on their site for a couple of days. We may never know why it was done or under whose pressure. One of the basic purposes of such web sites is to promote debate through diversity of comments and opinions. During the short time this article was allowed to stay on the front page of Oxford Indymedia, more comments were sent about it than any other article on the front page during that time. And yet, they selectively and deliberately removed it from the front page and, one day later, from the archives altogether!

    I have now visited the www.julyseventh.co.uk web site and found excellent research data, information, and analysis of all the matters connected with the London bombings. Among other things, they have presented official and alternative hypotheses and correlated all the known facts with these. Their impeccable scientific approach to this whole matter is self-evident.

    Whatever the nasty and vulgar as well as other critics have reproduced, in their comments, from the government sources, has already been logically, factually, and scientifically addressed and analyzed on the www.julyseventh.co.uk . I cannot do a better job of that and, therefore, would like to refer all the conformists and firm believers in the government information (disinformation) to that site. There, they will find a lot more than the logical and factual refutation of their “facts” and “arguments”. In this brief article, my focus is on the nature of the hypothesis I presented in the above article and its similarities and affinity with some of the independently arrived hypotheses of the July 7th group.

    My focus in the article-written a month after the bombings - when almost all the details and specifics were being kept in the dark, and selective contradictory information was being released - was on outlining a brief logical and historical hypothesis. As is stated clearly in the article, it is a hypothetical analysis, with the following four specific and concrete logical, factual, historical, and philosophical premises, some explicit, others implicit, in it:

    1. In the London situation, there was no need for a suicide bombing. It could have been, and most probably was, carried out, relatively easily, without endangering oneself.

    2. Muslim resistance has nothing to gain, and a lot to lose, by engaging in such acts in Europe.

    3. US and UK imperialists are the main beneficiaries of such terrorist actions in Europe.

    4. Both the imperialists and the leaders of Muslim resistance understand and know these political, military, and logical facts and their policies and actions include these.

    These are the essential premises of the hypothesis involved in the above article. I contend that these are apodictic and irrefutable. I invite the conformists and firm believers in the mainstream hypothesis to try to refute these and make my day. They can probably attempt to do so with part of the 4th premise and, attributing irrationality, incompetence, and ignorance to the leaders of Muslim resistance, may argue that they do not understand and implement these in their policies or actions. But that would only prove their own ignorance, arrogance, irrationality, and incompetence, rooted in racism and national chauvinism. During the early years of Vietnam War, the West was full of such idiots, who, projecting their own ignorance, irrationality, and incompetence to the Vietnamese, were loudly broadcasting and claiming that no Asian nation could stand up to and resist the superpower of US. As it turned out, the Vietnamese were far superior in strategy, tactics, planning, and their implementation, as well as in fighting, than the technocratic elites of the superpower. However, obviously, the imperialists have become intoxicated again and forgotten the lessons of Vietnam. They are relearning them the hard way, with great loss of life and other damages.

    As pointed out by the July 7th group, the government’s position, in regard to the London bombings, constitutes only one of many alternative hypotheses. It does not constitute the Absolute Truth, which the conformists and firm believers are making it out to be. Logically and philosophically, that insight is of fundamental importance in this whole matter. If one remains ignorant of that, one remains trapped in the disinformation.

    What the July 7th group seems to be demanding is that all the facts be investigated, revealed, and utilized in the construction or validation of alternative hypotheses, and not just some of them, self-servingly selected, to fit into the implicit or explicit hypotheses of the officialdom. That is precisely what the British government and mainstream media have done. The July 7th group has made a concrete factual and logical analysis of this matter and more details can be found on their web site. The key point here is that facts are facts only when they are integrated and related to each other in their common logical structure (paraphrasing Hegel here). Only in that form, they fit into and are consistent with an appropriate hypothesis or theory. “Facts” that are fragmented, abstracted, and isolated from each other and their common logical structure, can be implanted into a variety of false and erroneous hypotheses.

    In the London bombings, there were three train explosions and one on a bus. There was contradictory information about the timings of these explosions and the nature of the explosives used. The authorities were, somehow, quickly able to associate these bombings with four dead Asian Muslims and determine their identities, while overwhelming majority of the rest remained unidentified at that time. From there, they started fitting these facts into the prefabricated hypothesis of Muslim terrorism being responsible for what had happened. Alternative hypotheses of the involvement of imperialists, their secret services, organized crime etc., along with the four dead men, were totally ignored and remained uninvestigated. For example, everyone knows that the CIA is one of the major instruments of US imperialism and it has a long history of subversion, sabotage, terrorism, overthrow of governments, assassination or attempted assassination of the popular and democratic leaders of other countries, and the use of organized crime in some of these actions, e.g., having obtained the services of Mafia for the assassination of President Fidel Castro of Cuba during the early 1960s. All that is well documented. It even caused some conscientious ex-CIA agents to leave the agency and expose its real nature, plots, and crimes. Philip Agee has been the most conscientious, courageous, knowledgeable, and internationalist of those ex-CIA agents, who has shed very important light on such operations of CIA, in his various writings, lectures, and solidarity work. If the CIA could do that in so many other countries, why it would not do the same in UK or other European countries, when needed? Of course, it would be totally hopeless and unrealistic to expect the British government and secret services to investigate such connections. To the contrary, they should be expected to do the opposite, i-e. to leave such a possible connection totally untouched and to cover it up if any facts or evidence emerge. Hence, the importance of great public service by groups like July 7th, which are keeping the flame burning. Just imagine, what will happen to the known facts, and the mainstream hypotheses-listed on July 7th site- of which they have been made part of, if some evidence emerges of the involvement of organized crime or some CIA front group with the four dead Asian Muslims, in the London bombings? In such a situation, the context of these facts will totally change and so will the meanings and nature of these facts. Right now, these are part of an illogical structure, as part of the mainstream hypotheses, the basic premises of which are, as indicated above, in diametric contradiction with the required logical-factual-philosophical-historical premises of this matter, explicitly or implicitly inherent in the hypothesis of the above article or some of the alternative hypotheses proposed by the July 7th group.

    The July 7th group has also documented the profiles of the four dead Asian Muslims, accused of having committed that crime, as well as of their families. If these profiles are even halfway accurate, it is hard to imagine how such human beings could carry out such violence against themselves and so many others.

    The following three alternative hypotheses have been listed, among others, on the web site of the July 7th group and their numbers below are also those that are given there:

    6. The four men thought they were going to be delivering drugs or money to various locations round London, but were deceived, set up and murdered along with the others on their tubes and bus when their back packs exploded.

    7. As above but the men thought they were carrying dummy 'bombs' because they were participating in an exercise testing London transport's defences against backpack bombers.

    8. The four men were chosen or lured in to be patsies in a classic 'false flag operation' or frame-up by a network involved with one or more of the intelligence services.

    These hypotheses are more of a factual nature in contrast with the hypothesis of above article, the premises of which are more of logical, historical, and philosophical nature. Some of the hypotheses of the July 7th group and that of the article complement each other and make each other more wholesome and holistic. For example, if viewed from the perspectives of aforementioned four premises of the hypothesis of the article, these three hypotheses from the July 7th group are consistent with those premises, while the other five-not listed here, which are various concoctions of the mainstream and the officialdom-are not. There is a natural and organic compatibility and fit between the general hypothesis of the article and the above three specific hypotheses of the July 7th group.

    Within the framework of the above-mentioned four premises of hypothesis of the article, with some modifications and combination of the three hypotheses of the July 7th group, a new hypothesis, Hypothesis #9 can be constructed:

    Hypothesis #9: In this hypothesis, #6 and #8 or #7 and #8 are proposed to be combined. #6 and #7 would remain essentially the same while #8 would involve a secret service, coordinating and guiding a front organization and an organized crime group. Here four possibilities are proposed:

    1. As exactly in #6, The four men thought they were going to be delivering drugs, money, confidential documents, or other material etc. to various locations round London, but were deceived, set up and murdered along with the others on their tubes and bus when their back packs exploded.

    2. As above but the men thought they were carrying dummy 'bombs' because they were participating in an exercise testing London transport's defences against backpack bombers.

    3. As in the July 7th group Hypothesis #8, proposed by Fintan Dunne, the four men were murdered before any explosions took place and then their body parts were planted on the sites of the explosions. In this scenario, the involvement of an organized crime group or some secret service front organization is more likely than that of the police, as proposed by Fintan Dunne.

    4. There was a fifth man who followed the four men to one of the trains. This man was carrying the explosives. He left them near the four men and then got off the train. He noted down the car number and its location, etc., so that his contacts in the secret service knew exactly where to find the body parts of the four men, who then, through some key contact in the police, managed to link each of the four to the different sites of the explosions.

    Third and fourth possibilities require the involvement and cooperation of some key police officials. The first and second possibilities do not need the involvement of any police official or organized crime. These would have required just one secret service or its front organization contact person with the four men. These seem to be the most likely possibilities.

    Some of the above possibilities would have been relatively easy to arrange and implement for some resourceful, experienced, and powerful organization, with long global reach and presence. It would not even be too difficult to arrange something like that even for an individual, with some means at his disposal. For example, if Timothy McVeigh, the Oklahoma city Federal Building bomber, had thought about it and wanted to, he could have lured and trapped some Muslim men into his plot by arranging to meet with them near his explosives-filled vehicle. Just before the explosions were set to occur, he could have excused himself for having to go to the bathroom or something like that, leaving the men near his vehicle. After the explosion and devastation, their body parts would have been found and they would have been identified. If that had happened, all the other facts would have been concocted and tailored to fit into the hypothesis of Muslim terrorism being responsible for that act and McVeigh would have been walking free, planning his next move. The official investigation would have ended right then and there at that point. It is almost certain that no other alternative hypotheses would have been considered in such a situation. Even at that time, there was hysteria about Muslim terrorism and in the aftermath of the explosion, in the absence of any evidence, Muslims were being blamed for that act of terrorism. It was only after the unexpected arrest of McVeigh that Muslims were exonerated from the responsibility for that terrorist act.

    Regardless of the practical results, it is most important to continue to struggle for truth and justice against all odds. At this diabolical stage of history, the power of truth, justice, spirit, intellect, and authentic human nature is diametrically opposed and overwhelmed by the power of capital, in the form of imperialist corporations, governments and their agencies in various advanced capitalist countries. Under such conditions, the inner ecology of human nature itself has been powerfully and drastically disrupted, to variable degrees and forms. More than any other time in human history, it is essential to preserve and express one’s authentic human nature, to the best of one’s ability. Speaking and uncovering the truth is a most important part of that process and that is what is also involved the matter of London bombings. So many people lost their lives in that tragedy. Lies, concoctions, fragmented and abstract “facts” and tailoring them to fit into illogical structures of incompatible hypotheses, refusal to consider alternative hypotheses or to discover other facts that these point towards etc. desecrate and disgrace the dead victims. Only a thorough and in-depth investigation, oriented towards uncovering all the facts and their logical analysis, with the objective of discovery of truth on that basis, will honor and do justice to those victims. Poisonous and mindless “patriotic”, national chauvinistic, and racist prejudices not only damage the Muslims and other minorities, they also damage and desecrate all the victims of that tragedy, regardless of race or religion, as well as obstruct justice and truth.

    The above is first draft of this article.... I will receive any constructive criticism and suggestions for improvement or modifications of this article or its hypothesis with gratitude.

    Monday, 2 October 2006

    New Content on J7 site: The Terror Rehearsal

    On the afternoon and evening of 7th July 2005, information came to light about a private company running a terror rehearsal operation at the time that real explosions were reported to have occurred on the London transport network.

    These revelations came not from an anonymous source but instead from the Managing Director of the private firm running the terror rehearsal operation. The private firm is Visor Consultants and the Managing Director in question is Peter Power. The client for whom the terror rehearsal was being organised is, thus far, unknown.

    On and after 7/7, Peter Power gave a number of interviews in which he referred to the terror exercise he was running on the morning of 7th July.

    In his interview with Radio 5 live, Peter Power said:

    "...at half-past nine this morning we were actually running an exercise for, er, over, a company of over a thousand people in London based on simultaneous bombs going off precisely at the railway stations where it happened this morning, so I still have the hairs on the back of my neck standing upright!"


    Note how Power refers to 'simultaneous bombs going off'. Note also that it wasn't until 9th July 2005, two days after the incidents, that it was revealed the explosions on the underground were 'almost simultaneous'. Power's fictional scenario, as explained by the man himself on the day, bears a closer resemblance to the eventual story of 7/7 than it does to the actual story that had been presented to the public by the police and authorities at the time of his interview.

    Only ex-Mossad Chief, Ephraim Halevi who wrote in the Jerusalem Post on 7th July 2005 of, "the multiple, simultaneous explosions that took place today on the London transportation system" was able to demonstrate the same level of 'insight' as Mr Power.

    Since the precise timings of the explosions were not publicly established on July 7th, and Mr. Power points out later on that only "One scenario in particular, was very similar to real time events.", it could be said that Peter Powers' dramatic response to the events of July 7th, wasn't really warranted. So why, then, did the hairs on the back of his neck stand up at all, in reaction to a 'coincidence' he should not have been aware of on the day, and another 'coincidence' which he later went to the trouble of stating was not a coincidence at all?

    Was Peter Power in possession of information that the police were not? Why did he back track from and play down his original statements, when he had also stated on July 8th that the 'mock broadcasts' he was organising on July 7th, were so realistic that people didn't realise there was a genuine attack when the genuine news bulletins began? Why did he later say the exercise was only carried out "on paper" when it clearly, from his other statements, was not?

    For an in-depth analysis of Mr. Power's career, Visor Consultants and their connections and media terror operations, please see the new content page on the J7 site The 7/7 Terror Rehearsal.

    Friday, 15 September 2006

    New 7/7 Documentary: Ludicrous Diversion

    The July 7th Truth Campaign received an email earlier today informing us about the release of a new 7/7 documentary called 'Ludicrous Diversion'.

    Ludicrous Diversion

    On the 7th of July 2005 London was hit by a series of explosions. You probably think you know what happened that day. But you don’t.

    The police have, from the onset of their investigation, chosen to withold from the public almost every bit of evidence they claim to have and have provably lied about several aspects of the London Bombings.

    The mainstream news has wilfully spread false, unsubstantiated and unverifiable information, while choosing to completely ignore the numerous inconsistencies and discrepancies in the official story.

    The government has finally, after a year, presented us with their official ‘narrative’ concerning the event. Within hours it was shown to contain numerous errors, a fact since admitted by the Home Secretary John Reid. They have continuously rejected calls for a full, independent public inquiry. Tony Blair himself described such an inquiry as a ‘ludicrous diversion’. What don’t they want us to find out?




    Please distribute the link to this documentary far and wide and join us on the July 7th Truth Campaign's Independent People's Inquiry Forum.

    Thursday, 10 August 2006

    New information on July Seventh website



    The profile of Shehzad Tanweer on the J7 site has now been updated to include an analysis of the video broadcast on al-Jazeera on July 6th 2006, with some background information on one of the key figures involved. Updated profile here.

    Wednesday, 9 August 2006

    J7 RELEASE THE EVIDENCE Petition

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    Release the Evidence

    View Current Signatures - Sign the Petition


    To: The British Government

    On 11 May 2006 the Home Office published the 'Report of the Official Account of the Bombings in London on 7th July 2005'.

    The official report has since been discredited owing to a factual inaccuracy, namely the departure time of the train the accused are alleged to have taken from Luton to Kings Cross. This error was announced to Parliament by the Home Secretary on 11 July 2006.

    To date, only one piece of evidence has been placed in the public domain showing all four suspects - a single CCTV image, outside Luton station, in which three of the faces are unidentifiable.

    No credible explanation has ever been given for the lack of CCTV footage from Luton and Kings Cross stations, despite there being numerous references to CCTV in the official report.

    In the absence of a truly independent public inquiry, outside of the Inquiries Act 2005, we call on the British Government to RELEASE THE EVIDENCE that conclusively proves the official report beyond reasonable doubt.

    Sincerely,

    The Undersigned


    Click here to sign the Petition


    Send this Petition to a friend

    Wednesday, 12 July 2006

    John Reid: The Official Report into the London Bombings is Wrong

    The British Home Secretary, Dr John Reid, yesterday admitted in Parliament that the Official Report of the London Bombings, the narrative, is wrong! He then went on to rewrite over a year of 'history' by placing the alleged perpetrators of the July 7th attacks on a train that has never been referred to by any authority, or newspaper source, in over 12 months.

    Further details from the BBC and the Guardian. Ananova is carrying the story with confirmation from Scotland Yard that the Home Office didn't get the wrong train time from the police, or even any train time at all. And we know they definitely didn't obtain the train time from Thameslink, so where exactly did the Home Office source their information?

    A Truly Independent Public Inquiry

    Calls to the government from all sections of the community are being renewed for an Independent Public Inquiry into the events of July 7th, after the government's admission of a flawed Official Report. The J7 Truth Campaign supports all calls for a fully Independent Public Inquiry and once again restates its alignment with Amnesty International, the Law Society of England and Wales, the Finucane Family Campaign, and many other human, civil and legal rights organisations in their call to Judges to boycott any inquiry conducted under the Inquiries Act 2005.

    The July 7th Truth Campaign are also calling for the repeal of the Inquiries Act 2005, which Amnesty International summarised as follows:

    "The Inquiries Act 2005 came into force in June. It undermined the rule of law, the independence of the judiciary and human rights protection. It therefore failed to provide for effective, independent, impartial or thorough public judicial inquiries into serious human rights violations. AI called for its repeal."

    - Amnesty International: AI Report 2006

    J7: RELEASE THE EVIDENCE!

    The July 7th Truth Campaign continues with its clear and simple call to the government and authorities to RELEASE THE EVIDENCE which conclusively proves the story outlined in the Official Report of the London Bombings.

    Thursday, 6 July 2006

    An Open Letter: July 7th and the Inquiries Act 2005

    The July 7th Truth Campaign are issuing the following letter to individuals and organisations lobbying the government for an inquiry into the events of July 7th 2005. Full details of the organisations to whom this letter has been sent, along with the responses received, will published in due course:

    The July 7th Truth Campaign, of whom you may be aware via recent media coverage in the Guardian 'G2' supplement, and the response we issued to that article on the 'Comment is Free' web site, was established with the aim of getting to the truth about what happened in London on July 7th 2005, the day that 56 people were killed and over 700 injured.

    We have been outraged at the immediate and continued refusal of the government to hold a public inquiry. We believe that the excuses given by the government for their continued refusal to hold a public inquiry are, quite frankly, a nonsense. We also believe the continued refusal to conduct a fully independent public inquiry into such an atrocity is actively against the public interest.

    Since the release of the official Home Office 'narrative' on 11 May 2006, which raised more questions than it answered, the July 7th Truth Campaign have mobilised around a single, simple call to the government, namely, that the authorities RELEASE THE EVIDENCE which supports the suppositions and conjecture contained in the official 'narrative'.

    The July 7th Truth Campaign fully supports all calls, from all sections of the community lobbying the government for a truly Independent Public Inquiry and is writing to a number of organisations and individuals campaigning for a Public Inquiry into the events of July 7th, to determine their position on any 7/7 inquiry proposed under the terms of the Public Inquiries Act 2005.

    The Inquiries Act 2005 was, in part, brought about in response to the call for a full and Independent Public Inquiry into the brutal murder of Pat Finucane. He was shot dead by two masked men on 12 February 1989 in front of his wife and his three children at their home in Belfast, Northern Ireland. He was shot 14 times, including at close range. In the aftermath of his killing, evidence emerged that police and military intelligence agents had colluded with Loyalist paramilitaries in his murder, as well as there being allegations of an official cover-up of such collusion.

    Amnesty International has called for judges to boycott all inquiries under the Inquiries Act 2005, specifically in support of Pat Finucane's widow, and has also demanded that the act be repealed. To date, the UK government has not been able to identify any judge willing to take on the Finucane inquiry under the terms of the act.

    Under the terms of the Inquiries Act 2005:
    • the inquiry and its terms of reference would be decided by the executive; no independent parliamentary scrutiny of these decisions would be allowed;
    • each member of an inquiry panel, including the chair of the inquiry, would be appointed by the executive and the executive would have the discretion to dismiss any member of the inquiry;
    • the executive can impose restrictions on public access to the inquiry, including on whether the inquiry, or any individual hearings, would be held in public or private;
    • the executive can also impose restrictions on disclosure or publication of any evidence or documents given, produced or provided to an inquiry;
    • the final report of the inquiry would be published at the executive's discretion and crucial evidence could be omitted at the executive's discretion, "in the public interest".

    The July 7th Truth Campaign supports the joint calls of Amnesty International, The Law Society of England and Wales, the Finucane Family Campaign and other legal, human and civil rights organisations, in their opposition to any inquiry conducted under the Inquiries Act 2005, including any inquiry into July 7th, should it ever be granted. We also support Amnesty International's call to repeal the act.

    We are writing to ask you to join us in our call to the government and authorities to RELEASE THE EVIDENCE that supports the official Home Office narrative, our demands for a fully Independent Public Inquiry into the events of July 7th, outside the flawed framework of the Inquiries Act 2005, and the repeal of the Inquiries Act 2005.

    We hope we can count on your support and look forward to hearing from you soon.

    The July 7th Truth Campaign Team

    http://julyseventh.co.uk/
    http://j7truth.blogspot.com/
    http://z13.invisionfree.com/julyseventh/

    Sunday, 2 July 2006

    Seeing isn't believing

    A year on from 7/7, wild rumours are circulating about who planted the bombs and why. Some people even claim this picture of the four bombers was faked. Mark Honigsbaum, who accidentally triggered at least one of the conspiracy theories, investigates

    Tuesday June 27, 2006
    The Guardian


    On July 10 last year, Bridget Dunne opened the Sunday newspapers eager for information about the blasts that had brought death and mayhem to London three days earlier. Like many people that weekend, Dunne was confused by the conflicting reports surrounding what had initially been described as a series of "power surges" on the tube. Why were the Metropolitan Police saying that these surges, which were now being attributed to bombs, had occurred simultaneously at 8.50am, when they had originally been described as taking place over the space of 26 minutes?

    Dunne, a 51-year-old foster carer, was also having trouble squaring the Met's statement on July 8 that there was "no evidence to suggest that the attacks were the result of suicide bombings" with the growing speculation that Islamic suicide bombers and al-Qaida were to blame for the blasts that had hit the London underground and a bus in Tavistock Square. The Met Commissioner, Sir Ian Blair, had talked himself of "these people who oppose our way of life".

    "I'm not a conspiracy theorist," insists Dunne. "I was just trying to make a cohesive, coherent story from the facts."

    But while the papers that Sunday were full of interviews with people who had survived the bombs, and there was plenty of speculation about Osama bin Laden's involvement, Dunne could find nothing about the times of the tube trains in and out of King's Cross on the morning of July 7.

    When, a few days later, police released the now famous CCTV image of Shehzad Tanweer, Mohammad Sidique Khan, Jermaine Lindsay and Hasib Hussain entering Luton station, her suspicions deepened. How had police identified the bombers so quickly? And how was it that amid the carnage of twisted metal and bloody body parts they had been able to recover credit cards and other ID placing the men at the scene of the crime?

    Suspecting something was not right, Dunne, who lives in Camden, north London, wrote to her local paper. "Do you think we are being told the truth over these bombings?" she asked. "There are so many unanswered questions that just don't make any sense."

    Full article here

    Regardless of Mark Honigsbaum's scepticism, at least the concerns of the July Seventh Truth Campaign have been brought into public consciousness. He presented a balanced account from a few different perspectives, although I was unhappy with the way there was no differentiation between the approaches of all July 7th campaigners.

    I was also puzzled by this paragraph:
    "Did July 7 bombs explode under trains?" read a posting that referred to my report a few weeks later. "Eyewitness accounts appear to contradict the theory that suicide bombers were responsible for killing 39 [sic] passengers on London's tube network that day."

    Why the need for [sic]? The article Mr. Honigsbaum is quoting is speaking solely of the tube deaths, of which there were, in fact, 39 - excluding the alleged perpetrators.

    I also found it interesting that he was effectively back-pedalling from his original report. He says:
    "I asked passengers what they had seen and experienced and was told by two survivors from the bombed train that, at the moment of the blast, the covers on the floor of their carriage had flown up - the phrase they used was "raised up". There was no time to check their statements as moments later the police widened the cordon and I was directed to the opposite pavement, outside the Metropole hotel."

    and
    "It was from there that at around 11am I phoned a hurried, and what I now know to be flawed, audio report to the Guardian. In the report, broadcast on our website, I said that it "was believed" there had been an explosion "under the carriage of the train". I also said that "some passengers described how the tiles, the covers on the floors of the train, flew up, raised up". It later became clear from interviewing other passengers who had been closer to the seat of the explosion that the bomb had actually detonated inside the train, not under it, but my comments, disseminated over the internet where they could be replayed ad nauseam, were already taking on a life of their own."

    and finally
    "In the internet age, it seems, some canards never die."

    Mr. Honigsbaum, although he at least accepts that the July Seventh website has outlined all the main theories and explanations for how the attacks were carried out, needs to understand that it was not just his audio report which suggested the bombs appeared to be underneath the trains. He can call his own audio report a "canard" now, if he wishes, but that does not negate the testimony of other passengers, on other trains who spoke of the holes in the floors of the trains having metal pushed upwards - suggesting that the explosions had, in fact, occurred underneath. Also, would he have felt it necessary to "check their statements" if they had reported seeing a man blow himself up on the train? I wonder.

    One of our forum members also made a valid criticism: "The quotes....letting the police off the hook for not releasing more CCTV footage and blowing off the work that has been done on the train times were just slipped in there as if they represent some kind of credible response to outstanding questions. They aren’t."

    The article states:"...there are people in the background of the King's Cross CCTV sequence whom police are still trying to trace. Police have also kept back details of what the bombers were wearing in order to be sure that witness statements taken from people who may have seen them on the Thameslink train can be corroborated."

    This makes little sense. If there are people in the background of the Kings Cross sequence (which, due to the conflicting reports, may be either from the concourse, forecourt, underground ticket hall or even Thameslink station) who still haven't been traced a year on from the event, surely it would make more sense now to simply release the footage asking the people to come forward and identify themselves - a method used commonly used in crime investigations. Furthermore, the suggestion that the police kept back details of what the men were wearing in order to corroborate witness statements doesn't really fit in with the fact that the police did release details of what they were wearing through a single CCTV image from outside Luton station which illustrated their outfits enough that they could be identified by anyone who views it.

    The information regarding the cancelled train was not obtained from a train schedule, as suggested in the article, it was obtained (and certainly wasn't "demanded") directly from the Communications Manager for Thameslink Rail at Luton who supplied the times that the trains actually ran that day. Therefore, the impossibility of the men being able to take this train cannot be dismissed.

    The questions still stand and will continue to be asked.

    Mind the Gap

    Sunday, 25 June 2006

    MPS HeliTele Images of Number 30 Bus Explosion

    The following seven stills are from Metropolitan Police Service Heli-Tele footage that was captured and broadcast on BBC World at some point after the 9.47am explosion of a diverted number 30 bus in Tavistock Square on July 7th, 2005.

    It is interesting to note that Sky News was ordered to pull its helicopter out of the skies shortly after the explosion of the bus.

    These images were found in an archive at http://terrorize.dk/







    Saturday, 24 June 2006

    Update to 'The Impossible Train Journey'

    This first section of Mind the Gaps Part 1 is updated to include more information:

    THE IMPOSSIBLE TRAIN JOURNEY

    It was originally announced that the men had taken the 0740 train from Luton to Kings Cross Thameslink on the morning of July 7th. An eyewitness later stated that she had been at Luton station that morning and that the 0740 never ran that day. Thameslink Rail later confirmed that not only had the 0740 been cancelled but that all trains that morning ran with heavy delays due to problems further up the line. This confirmation first came from Marie Bernes at Thameslink Customer Relations and then from Chris Hudson, the Communications Manager at the time for Thameslink Rail at Luton.

    When it was later reported that the men had taken the 0748 train, it was found that this scenario could not be the correct one either. The 0748 did not reach Kings Cross Thameslink in time for the men to have made the journey to Kings Cross station to have been captured on CCTV “shortly before 8.30am” as the police stated. The 0748 did not reach Thameslink until 8.42am; seven minutes after the Eastbound Circle Line train had departed from Kings Cross, which later exploded between Liverpool St. and Aldgate.

    The 0730 train actually left Luton station at 7.42am. Again, this train arrived at Thameslink station four minutes after the first of the bombed tubes had already departed Kings Cross.

    The men were shown on a single CCTV image taken from outside Luton station, apparently entering the station six seconds before 7.22am, according to the timestamp on the image. On this basis, the earliest train they could have caught would have been the train that left Luton at 7.25am. This train arrived at King's Cross Thameslink at 8.23am.The Government narrative of the London Bombings states that the men caught the non-existent 0740 train and that it arrived at Thameslink at 8.23am.

    The narrative then says that the men were caught on CCTV at King's Cross Thameslink at 8.26am, whereas it was previously reported that this sighting had occurred at Kings Cross mainline station. The narrative goes on to say that the men were seen again, four minutes later at Kings Cross mainline, where they proceeded to split up in different directions, giving the impression that each man was off to board a tube train. The quickest route from Thameslink to the tube lines is through an underground subway but the narrative does not specify their alleged route from King's Cross Thameslink station to the mainline station.

    TFL Journey Planner advises to allow 6 minutes to transfer between King's Cross Thameslink station and the mainline in the rush-hour, which doesn't allow sufficient time for the accused to transfer between the Thameslink and the mainline stations. The narrative states:

    "The 4 are captured on CCTV at 08.26am on the concourse close to the Thameslink platform and heading in the direction of the London Underground system."

    From the concourse of which the narrative is speaking, there are four directions in which the men could have gone:

    1) Back down to the Thameslink platform they just came up from
    2) Down to the northbound Thameslink platform
    3) To the main exit out onto the street and
    4) To the underground via the subway.

    By saying the men were "heading in the direction of the London Underground system", the narrative is implying the men took the underground subway route. There have recently been refurbishments at Kings Cross station which now allow access from the Thameslink station to all tube lines. However, in July last year, it was only possible to access the Northern, Victoria and Piccadilly lines this way. Therefore, this route would only have facilitated the journey of Lindsay, who is alleged to have boarded the Piccadilly Line train; the other two men who were alleged to have been on the Circle Line trains would have had to have found an alternative route to the Circle Line platforms, necessitating their splitting up and making it extremely unlikely they would have been seen together again at 8.30am, as the narrative reports.

    If we bear in mind that the eastbound Circle Line train left first, at 8.35am, and that Tanweer was reported to have still been on the Thameslink platform at 8.26am, they would have had to have moved at a fast pace for him to have caught this train. There are no reported witness sightings of four men with large rucksacks running. It is extremely difficult to see how Tanweer got to the Circle Line platform so quickly, if he either had to go overground or take a complicated journey to the Circle Line platform from another of the only platforms he could have reached via the Thameslink subway.
    We must also factor in that the narrative states:

    "At around 08.30am, 4 men fitting their descriptions are seen hugging. They appear happy, even euphoric. They then split up. Khan must have gone to board a westbound Circle Line train, Tanweer an eastbound Circle Line train and Lindsay a southbound Piccadilly Line train. Hussain also appeared to walk towards the Piccadilly Line entrance."

    The narrative does not state whether it was a sighting by a CCTV camera or a witness, or the exact location in Kings Cross station . However, this scenario of the men splitting up could only have occurred in the underground ticket hall of Kings Cross mainline station. There is only one entrance to the underground at Thameslink and also from the main concourse of the mainline station, so it would not be logical for the men to "split up" there.

    Also confusing is that the Metropolitan police stated in a press conference that the men were already at Kings Cross mainline by 8.26am when they appealed for information about the movements of Hussain "between 8.26am at King's Cross and 9.47am on the no. 30 bus when the explosion occurred."

    This states that 8.26am was the last sighting of the men, as opposed to the time of 8.30am given by the narrative and it is hard to see how they could have been on the concourse at Thameslink station at 8.26am and also at Kings Cross station at that time.

    In conclusion, the incorrect train given by the narrative cannot be put down to simple error. Even if the men had taken a train from Luton which ran that morning, it still would have been extremely difficult, if not impossible, for them to have been sighted at Kings Cross at the time they were said to have been seen, or for them to have caught the underground trains which were later bombed.

    The narrative even says there were witnesses on the non-existent train who believe they saw the men. How could this be so when there was no such train? The anomalies in the narrative account regarding the train, its arrival time and how the men could have been sighted at Kings Cross only serve to cause much confusion.

    Tuesday, 20 June 2006

    J7 Nominated for New Media Awards 2006

    The July 7th Truth Campaign has been nominated for the New Statesman New Media Awards 2006. Below are the comments that were submitted with the nominations:

    July 7th Truth Campaign

    For seeking justice for those that dies at the hands of terrorists and for doing what the disasterous UK Government doesn't. Michael Allan

    Independent investigation into the events in London on 7th July 2005, exposing the factual errors in the Home Office Official Report ("Narrative") and the many contradictions and unanswered questions in media coverage. Christopher Main

    Superb, meticously researched investigative website questioning every aspect of the muddled and contradictory official narrative of the July the 7th bombings in London. mark groak

    The July 7th truth campaign was set up in the wake of the London bombings. With it's associated People's Investigation Forum and blog, it provides a fully comprehensive analysis of the events of that day. Given the anomalies in the Govt's Official Report (such as the train from Luton that we are told they boarded, the 7.40, was cancelled that morning), the need for a fully independent public inquiry is essential to prevent the possibility of a massive miscarriage of justice that surpasses even the Birmingham 6 and Guildford 4. Bridget Dunne

    They are presenting information which other media won't touch. The New Statesman should consider awarding them an award in order to put pressure on the govt to RELEASE THE EVIDENCE AND FOR A FULLY INDEPENDENT INQUIRY. It isn't just about dotting the i's and crossing the t's on the Iraq war blowback model, we need to first establish what happened before we can work out how to stop recurrence. The site is very tight, factual, questioning - it is NOT ideoplogically driven, but genuinely open-minded and critical. Keith Paton



    On behalf of the July 7th Truth Campaign and the 70 members of the July 7th People's Inquiry Forum, many thanks to those of you who submitted a nomination.

    Monday, 29 May 2006

    Mind the Gaps

    The discrepancies, distortions, lies and inconsistent reporting of July 7th have made it extremely difficult to see how anybody can say with any conviction exactly what happened that day and who perpetrated those atrocities. The Government Narrative is full of vague assumptions yet is supposed to be a definitive account. The July Seventh Truth Campaign has put together a list of the most obvious errors and inconsistencies in the official account so far.

    There are so many gaps, we had to split the document into two parts. Mind The Gaps Part 1 is here and Mind The Gaps Part 2 is here.

    Meanwhile, here are just a few of the gaps you'll find listed:

    THE IMPOSSIBLE TRAIN JOURNEY

    It was originally announced that the men had taken the 0740 train from Luton to Kings Cross Thameslink on the morning of July 7th. An eyewitness later stated that she had been at Luton station that morning and that the 0740 never ran that day. Thameslink Rail later confirmed that not only had the 0740 been cancelled but that all trains that morning ran with heavy delays due to problems further up the line. This confirmation first came from Marie Bernes at Thameslink Customer Relations and then from Chris Hudson, the Communications Manager for Thameslink Rail at Luton.

    When it was later reported that the men had taken the 0748 train, it was found that this scenario could not be the correct one either. The 0748 did not reach Kings Cross Thameslink in time for the men to have made the journey to Kings Cross station to have been captured on CCTV “shortly before 8.30am” as the police stated. The 0748 did not reach Thameslink until 8.42am; seven minutes after the Eastbound Circle Line train had departed from Kings Cross, which later exploded between Liverpool St. and Aldgate.

    The 0730 train actually left Luton station at 7.42am. Again, this train arrived at Thameslink station four minutes after the first of the bombed tubes had already departed Kings Cross.

    The men were shown on a single CCTV image taken from outside Luton station, apparently entering the station six seconds before 7.22am, according to the timestamp on the image. On this basis, the earliest train they could have caught would have been the train that left Luton at 7.25am. This train arrived at King's Cross Thameslink at 8.23am.

    The Government narrative of the London Bombings states that the men caught the non-existent 0740 train and that it arrived at Thameslink at 8.23am. The narrative then says that the men were caught on CCTV at King's Cross Thameslink at 8.26am, whereas it was previously reported that this sighting had occurred at Kings Cross mainline station.

    The narrative goes on to say that the men were seen again, four minutes later at Kings Cross mainline, where they proceeded to split up in different directions, giving the impression that each man was off to board a tube train. The narrative does not state whether it was a sighting by a CCTV camera or a witness. The quickest route from Thameslink to the tube lines is through an underground subway but the narrative does not specify their alleged route from King's Cross Thameslink station to the mainline station.

    "The 4 are captured on CCTV at 08.26am on the concourse close to the Thameslink platform and heading in the direction of the London Underground system."

    However, if they were seen on the concourse of Kings Cross mainline, like the narrative says, then this suggests that the men did not take the subway but took the overgound route, since the subway leads directly to the tube platforms. It is unlikely they would have made the somewhat senseless decision to come back out from the tube platforms and make their way all the way back up to the main concourse just to go back down again and board the trains.

    But confusingly, the subway route seems to be the only one which could have got them to Kings Cross quickly enough to have taken the trains they are alleged to have been on. Furthermore, the subway from Thameslink only gives access to the Victoria, Northern and Piccadilly lines. Therefore, this route would only have facilitated the journey of Lindsay, who is alleged to have boarded the Piccadilly Line train; the other two men who were alleged to have been on the Circle Line trains would have had to have found an alternative route to the Circle Line platforms, necessitating their splitting up and not being seen together.

    If we bear in mind that the eastbound Circle Line train left first, at 8.35am, and that Tanweer was reported to have still been on the Thameslink platform at 8.26am, they would have had to have moved at a fast pace for him to have caught this train. We must also factor in that the narrative states:

    "At around 08.30am, 4 men fitting their descriptions are seen hugging. They appear happy, even euphoric. They then split up. Khan must have gone to board a westbound Circle Line train, Tanweer an eastbound Circle Line train and Lindsay a southbound Piccadilly Line train. Hussain also appeared to walk towards the Piccadilly Line entrance."

    TFL Journey Planner advises to allow 6 minutes to transfer between King's Cross Thameslink station and the mainline in the rush-hour, which doesn't allow sufficient time for the accused to transfer between the Thameslink and the mainline stations.

    There are no reported witness sightings of four men with large rucksacks running. It is extremely difficult to see how Tanweer got to the Circle Line platform so quickly, if he either had to go overground or take a complicated journey to the Circle Line platform from another of the only platforms he could have reached via the Thameslink subway.

    In conclusion, the incorrect train given by the narrative cannot be put down to simple error.

    Even if the men had taken a train from Luton which ran that morning, it still would have been extremely difficult, if not impossible, for them to have been sighted at Kings Cross at the time they were said to have been seen, or for them to have caught the underground trains which were later bombed.The narrative even says there were witnesses on the non-existent train who believe they saw the men. How could this be so when there was no such train? The anomalies in the narrative account regarding the train, its arrival time and how the men could have been sighted at Kings Cross only serve to cause much confusion.

    THE SIMULTANEOUS ANTI-TERROR DRILL

    A company named Visor Consultants was running an exercise for an unnamed company which involved the scenario of simultaneous bombs going off at the time when London actually did come under attack. The Managing Director of Visor, Peter Power, gave an interview on the afternoon of July 7th where he said:
    "At half past nine this morning we were actually running an exercise for a company of over a thousand people in London based on simultaneous bombs going off precisely at the railway stations where it happened this morning, so I still have the hairs on the back of my neck standing up right now." (Download MP3 audio file of this interview)

    Despite this coincidence, sensationalized by Peter Power himself, he admitted later on that the drill had not completely mirrored the actual events, and had also involved mainline stations as targets. He also expressed surprise that people would be interested in the remarkable comments he made in his interview and also attempted to minimise the similarities between the exercise and the actual attacks. Despite the fact that he had said the exercise involved the bombs going off at ‘precisely’ the railway stations where the attacks had occurred, he later pronounced that in fact only two of the locations had been similar. However, even after downplaying the parallels, he went on to state "the timing and script was nonetheless, a little disconcerting".

    Terror drills are not unknown in London, but other coincidences may be the involvement of Peter Power in several high profile tragic events before 7/7, such as the Kings Cross fire of 1987 and the Libyan Embassy siege of 1984, and the strong links that he has with the police and the Government.

    He is a former Detective Inspector in counter-terrorism and is a close associate of Sir Ian Blair, the Metropolitan Police Chief. He was also selected by the Government to write the Best Management Practice Guide on Crisis & Business Continuity Planning & Risk Management.

    Peter Power also has connections to former New York Mayor, Rudi Giuliani; he served on the Advisory Board to the Canadian Centre for Emergency preparedness(CCEP), alongside the senior Vice President of Giuliani and Partners, Richard Sheirer, who was also Director of the New York Mayor’s office of Emergency Management, overseeing the rescue and recovery operations following the September 11th attacks.

    Giuliani and partners is a security consultantcy and Investment Bank and Mr. Giuliani himself, by another coincidence, happened to be in London for a conference and just yards away from Liverpool Street station when the blast occurred there on the morning of July 7th.

    Peter Power acts as an independent security consultant to the media examining the impact of terrorism on London. It would not be unrealistic that he would be conducting an anti-terror exercise, but it is strange that it happened to be on the same day, at the same time, and involving the same stations. Peter Power himself admits this, even when attempting to downplay the coincidence. It arouses suspicion when considering the ‘Wargames’ exercises of the morning of September 11th, involving the same scenarios that later occurred. The chances of these situations being simple coincidence appear quite slim.

    THE PRIOR KNOWLEDGE OF THE ATTACKS

    Terrorism experts in the USA reported that they had been told by “intelligence sources” that at least one person had been warned that a terrorist attack was about to take place. The person they referred to was the Israeli Finance Minister, Binyamin Netanyahu, who was due to attend an economic conference in a hotel near Liverpool Street station.
    "Just before the first blast, Netanyahu got a call from the Israeli Embassy telling him to stay in his hotel room. The hotel is located next to the subway station where the first attack occurred and he did stay put and shortly after that, there was the explosion."
    Source: WTVQ

    The Associated Press broke the story, and in a follow-up report, stated that the story had been denied by the Israeli Government who said that Netanyahu received the warning after the blasts occurred. However, the head of Mossad had said in an interview with a German newspaper
    "The Mossad office in London received advance notice about the attacks, but only six minutes before the first blast. As a result, it was impossible to take any action to prevent the blasts."

    Other reports even claim that the warning was not received minutes before the attacks, but days before.

    Netanyahu himself also denied, though, that he had received any such warning, calling the reports "entirely false". Although this report claims that the AP "quickly replaced the story" but they never actually retracted it.

    The following story can still be found on the Israel National News web site:
    Israel Was Warned Ahead of First Blast10:43 Jul 08, '05 / 1 Tammuz 5765
    (IsraelNN.com)


    Army Radio quoting unconfirmed reliable sources reported a short time ago that Scotland Yard had intelligence warnings of the attacks a short time before they occurred.

    The Israeli Embassy in London was notified in advance, resulting in Finance Minister Binyamin Netanyahu remaining in his hotel room rather than make his way to the hotel adjacent to the site of the first explosion, a Liverpool Street train station, where he was to address an economic summit.

    At present, train and bus service in London have been suspended following the series of attacks. No terrorist organization has claimed responsibility at this time.
    Israeli officials stress the advanced Scotland Yard warning does not in any way indicate Israel was the target in the series of apparent terror attacks.


    If there was advance knowledge of the attacks, even if they could not have been prevented, surely it would have been more constructive to have warned TFL Managers and people who could have worked to minimize the resulting confusion – if not the destruction - rather than a politician who was still in his hotel room and would not have been on a tube train that morning.

    For the comprehensive list of anomalies in the official account of the July 7th attacks, see here and here.

    The July Seventh Truth Campaign believes there are far too many errors and inconsistencies in the account to simply be attributed to lazy reporting and beaurocratic incompetence. Why does the narrative state the accused men travelled to London on a train which did not run? Did certain people have prior knowledge of 7/7 and if so, why? How could the former head of the CIA state that they had recovered timing devices from the blast sites, yet it later be stated that the bombs were detonated manually? Why was it reported by the authorities that military grade explosives were used, only for this to be swiftly denied within a couple of days? Why does the narrative state that it is still not known what type of explosives were used almost a year later? How is it that the narrative can accept there is no CCTV showing Shehzad Tanweer on the tube platform or the Aldgate train and no witness to attest to his presence, yet state that he 'must have been' there? How were the men identified so quickly on the basis of a couple of credit cards?

    The narrative should have provided clear answers; instead it has only raised even more questions. It is not an adequate account of who bombed London on July 7th, how they did it and why.

    Thursday, 11 May 2006

    July 7 'narrative' and ISC reports released

    The July 7th 'narrative' that Charles Clarke offered the British People instead of a full Independent Public Inquiry has been released.

    The BBC, Sky News and Channel 4 are all rolling CCTV footage of the accused from 28th June 2005 as if it were from July 7th (indeed the BBC even cropped out the time and date stamp for the full brainwashing effect) when, of course, no footage has ever been released of the four accused of perpetrating the atrocities on July 7th in over ten months since the incidents occurred.

    Nor has any evidence been released that could convinct anyone in a court of law for what happened.

    Here are some reports:

    The BBC, true to form, is still using Mr Peter Power of Visor Consultants as an independent security consultant with no special connection to the events of July 7th, even though on the morning of July 7th he was rehearsing bombs going off in precisely the stations that they did.


    When you're done reading the official confusions see the July Seventh Truth Campaign web site, and the associated July 7th People's Investigation Forum where you can read and join in the analysis and discussion that is shredding the Home Office narrative.

    Sunday, 7 May 2006

    The 'real' story of 7/7 - a refutation.

    My comments in bold.

    THE REAL STORY OF 7/7

    It was England's worst terrorist attack, killing 52 people and injuring more than 700. This week, the Home Office publishes its official account of the London suicide bombings of 7 July. Using police and intelligence records, Mark Townsend presents the definitive account of how four friends from northern England changed the face of western terrorism

    Sunday May 7, 2006
    The Observer

    3am Hasib Hussain rolls sleepily from the sofa in the living room of his parents' home in Holbeck, Leeds. Dressed in the grey T-shirt, jeans and trainers that would become familiar to millions, the 18-year-old wanders through the red-bricked terraces of Beeston and waits outside the front door of his best friend, Shehzad Tanweer.

    There is absolutely no evidence that any of the above scenario occurred. According to his father, Hasib Hussain was last seen by a family member at around 3.30pm on July 6th. On this basis, it cannot definitely be stated at what time he actually left the house, let alone where he went immediately after doing so.

    3.15am In a deserted and dark Colwyn Road, Hussain and Tanweer, 22, stand beside a silver-blue Nissan Micra that Tanweer had hired days earlier. Although their movements at this stage are not captured on CCTV, it is thought they are now joined by Sidique Khan, 30, whose role as a primary school teaching assistant in Beeston had earned the respect of those still sleeping in the surrounding streets.

    The only factual statement here is that they were not captured on CCTV. Therefore, again, how can it be stated with any certainty exactly what they did. Interestingly, the article refers to a "silver-blue Nissan Micra". Are they sure about that? This same newspaper refers to it as a 'blue Nissan Micra' in an earlier report; The Times reported it as a red Nissan Micra; The Mail described it as a 'silver Nissan Micra'. If the media can't even cohesively report on the simple issue of a car's colour, what hope is there for the rest of the story?

    3.30am After a short drive across south Leeds, the trio pull up outside 18 Alexandra Grove, Hyde Park. Inside, lying in the bath upstairs, is the bomb-making factory that Khan had put together using recipes from the internet. Primitive in essence, the peroxide-based explosives were made from drain cleaner, bleach and acetone, bought without attracting suspicion in nearby shops. Costing a few hundred pounds, the London bombs, based on a derivative of TNT called triacetone triperoxide or TATP, were paid for by Khan. No evidence exists of support from al-Qaeda. Speculation that the four suicide bombers used the services of an Egyptian chemist studying at Leeds University are dismissed in the Home Office narrative, to be published on Thursday.

    Once more, where is the evidence that Khan made the bombs? Why should anybody be expected to accept that he was the 'ringleader' when the authorities have not explained why they believe this to be the case, other than the fact that he was the eldest. The statement that the explosive components were 'bought without attracting suspicion in nearby shops' directly contradicts the reports that Lindsay spent £900 on perfume in three different shops in the Aylesbury area. This had apparently attracted the suspicion of his bank, who had rather curiously decided to hire private detectives to investigate Lindsay's spending habits.Moreover, saying 'No evidence exists of support from al-Qaeda' appears to contradict a report in the very same edition of the newspaper which carries this article today. The report is entitled "7/7 ringleader 'had direct link with terror cell" and also directly contradicts US Government consultant on Terrorism in Europe, Evan Kohlman, who after viewing the supposed al-Qaida-produced video of Mohammad Sidique Khan, said:

    "There is zero percent doubt this is al-Qaida." He said the Khan tape was produced by the al-Sahab video company, which is controlled by al-Qaida, and the claim of responsibility for the July 7 attacks was done in the same way as its admission of carrying out the September 11 attacks on the US in 2001. Mr Kohlmann said: "I find it a little bit depressing that people don't realise this is al-Qaida's calling card. It shows how little some understand about al-Qaida."

    Are the public going to receive an explanation for the question of exactly who - if it was not an al-Qa'ida 'claim of responsibility' - edited that video it to make it seem as if it was an al-Qa'ida production by intersplicing the scenes of Khan with those of Ayman al-Zawahri?

    3:45am The trio carefully load five identical black rucksacks into the boot of the Nissan Micra. Each contains 10lb of explosive material with detonators packed inside plastic bottles, which in turn are packaged within containers from a nearby garden centre.

    Interesting that this is the first mention in the media of the containers which were used to carry the bombs in the rucksacks since the The Mail first reported it - and could even name the precise store in which the containers had been bought, which they were able to do by the convenient discovery of the receipt which the men helpfully carried with them. Against the odds, this scrap of paper survived a blast which destroyed train carriages, buses and people. Yet another contradiction: The statement 'five identical rucksacks into the boot of the Nissan Micra' is at odds with an earlier report in this same newspaper which writes of a 'primed' rucksack being found underneath the passenger seat of the Micra. Leaving aside the logistics of fitting a bag that size under a car seat, this suggests that there were not five rucksacks in the boot of the car. Or if there were, one of the men carried two rucksacks. Either that or they took the trouble to move the fifth rucksack from the boot and squash it under the passenger seat instead, a manoeuvre that makes no sense whatsoever.

    4am-5am Speed cameras track the car heading south through the city's leafy suburbs. To their left they pass Beeston, where Khan lives, an impoverished district of Leeds soon to become the focus of the world's media. The bombers join the southbound M1 at junction 40 and their progress is tracked as they journey south along the spine of England.

    Many, many aspects of this statement are completely bizarre. 'Speed cameras track the car'? Unless they were consistently going through every speed camera on their journey at a speed-limit-breaking rate, there is no reason or justification for a speed camera being able to track them. Even if there is an error here and the article actually meant 'Traffic cameras', this still doesn't explain why they were 'tracked'. Who would be tracking them? Who would know at that point what the purpose of their journey was, for their 'progress' to be tracked as they journeyed south?

    4.30am Germaine Lindsay says goodbye to his wife Samantha Lewthwaite, 21, heavily pregnant with their second child, and leaves their rented semi-detached home in Aylesbury, Buckinghamshire, in a hired red Fiat. Negotiating the B489, Lindsay arrives at Luton train station around 5am. The 19-year-old attaches a pay-and-display ticket to the vehicle's windscreen, from which DNA would later be extracted to identify his remains.

    Samantha herself says that she asked Linsday to leave the house on the evening of July 6th, because she believed he was having an affair with another woman. She told the Sun newspaper:

    "He left with a holdall and a bunch of door keys. I went to bed. Later that night I'm sure I heard him on the stairs and going into Abdullah's room. He must have been in there in the dead of night to kiss his little boy goodbye. He didn't get a chance when he left because I was angry."

    This account bears absolutely no similarity to the one above. The issue of the DNA on his car park ticket which was used to identify his remains is also a confusing one. On July 14th, police said that the DNA identification process would "take some time"; yet Samantha says she was told on July 14th that the police had Lindsay's DNA, which was, they said,how they knew he was the perpetrator.

    6:30am After 160 miles on the M1, the Nissan Micra turns off at junction 11, arriving at Luton train station car park at around 6:50am. There, amid the first of the day's commuters, is the imposing frame of Lindsay, a carpet fitter from Huddersfield. Like the others, Lindsay is judged in the narrative to have been exasperated by western foreign policy. Palestine, Chechyna and, in particular Iraq, are cited as factors motivating their deadly mission.

    This states that the Micra arrived at Luton station car park at 'around 6:50am'. Other reports are much more exact with this time, saying;

    "They arrived at Luton station at 6.51am, where they met Lindsay, 19, who had been waiting since 5am after travelling in another car."

    The precision of the time at which they arrived suggests that it was taken from a timestamp of a CCTV camera which recorded them entering the car park. This is presumably how they knew Lindsay had been waiting there since 5am. Yet such footage has never been mentioned or shown. They have been 'judged' in the narrative to have been 'exasperated' by western foreign policy, yet no explanation is given as to how on earth the authorities know this, since the men were not, according to their friends, given to talking about politics. There is also no explanation as to how simple 'exasperation' causes the apparent knock-on effect of becoming a suicide bomber. Thousands of people all over the world, myself included, would have shared this exasperation but would be considerably less inclined to take such drastic action.

    7am The four don their military-style rucksacks in the increasingly busy car park. Khan had loaded the Nissan Micra with more explosives than required. Contrary to speculation though, no fifth bomber was ever expected to carry a fifth rucksack of explosives holding two nail-encased bottles that were later found wedged beneath the front passenger seat. In the boot 14 components for explosive devices are also left. CCTV cameras, designed to capture car thieves, film the four engaged in a final prayer.

    So, 'Khan loaded the Nissan Micra with more explosives than required' but 'contrary to speculation, though, no fifth bomber was ever expected to carry a fifth rucksack'. Why on earth did he do it then? If the men knew, as is being stated by the narrative, that theirs was a suicide mission, what's the use of leaving 'spare' bombs in the car, the only other purpose of which would be to lead the investigation very quickly back to the men.

    7.21am Looking like day-trippers, the four stroll onto the southbound platform of Luton station. Leading the group is Hussain, his hands tucked in pockets. Lindsay follows, his white trainers poking from beneath a pair of loose jeans. Khan comes next, with only a white cap visible. Bringing up the rear is Tanweer, who had spent the previous night playing cricket. Tanweer appears relaxed, his rucksack slung over one shoulder.

    All of this is based on the extremely suspect single frame CCTV image of the men entering Luton station. Aside from the anomalies of the image itself, it is a strange thing that the police only released this one, single image of the men together, in comparison to the myriad moving footage we were allowed to see for the so-called 'dummy run'. A plethora of evidence for a day that doesn't mean a thing and only shows that three of the men apparently took a trip to London, visiting none of the locations which were bombed on the 7th - but for the actual day itself, one blurred still image - where one can't even distinguish their facial features.

    7:40am The four bombers catch a Thameslink train, which winds through the affluent commuter belt of Hertfordshire towards King's Cross.

    As repeatedly pointed out, this train journey is physically impossible: See here.

    8:26am The quartet are captured walking across the concourse of London's busiest station. They are chatting; Hussain is laughing. Minutes later, they are huddled in a final, earnest conversation.

    This footage has never been shown.

    8.42am Tanweer catches the Circle Line east towards the heart of the City, entering the second carriage of six on train number 204 where he stands by its rear sliding doors.

    Not one eyewitness has ever backed up this story. Aldgate survivor Bruce Lait, who was in the bombed carriage, said he did not see anybody of Tanweer's description in the carriage.

    8.43am Khan boards Circle Line train number 216 headed west. He stands by its first set of double doors in the second carriage.

    This contradicts what was said by the only witness who claimed to have seen Khan, Danny Biddle:

    "He was sitting by the first door of the train and I was standing about 10ft away. I noticed him reaching into his bag and he didn't say or do anything. He wasn't agitated or fidgety, he was very calm. He looked at me and looked around the carriage. Then he pulled some sort of cord."

    According to Mr. Biddle, Khan was sitting - not standing. Furthermore, his description of Khan pulling 'some sort of cord' differs from what 'senior police sources' told The Guardian, which was that the bombs were triggered by 'button-like devices'.

    8.49am Lindsay gets onto Piccadilly Line train number 311 travelling towards the West End and stands by rear doors in the front carriage. The train is described as 'extraordinarily full'. More than 900 passengers are crammed on board. Hussain, meanwhile, waits for a Northern Line service towards Camden.

    There are several inaccuracies here. TFL stated they had made a mistake with the train number they originally gave as 311 and revised it to 331. This was verified by researcher Bridget Dunne. Why is this story still giving the train number as 311? The train was described as 'extraordinarily full'; an anonymous witness told a survivor that he had tried to board the train behind Lindsay and could not get on, the train was so full. In a few seconds, Lindsay had managed to board the train and fight his way down to the end of the carriage, carrying a large rucksack. The claim that Hussain waited for a Northern Line service is an odd one. It was stated on the day that the Northern Line was not running, and that had it been, the assumption was that Hussain would have boarded a train on that line in order to form some kind of 'burning cross' through London. This was based on a dubious claim of responsibility from an 'Islamist' website, calling itself the Secret Organisation Group of al-Qaeda of Jihad Organisation in Europe. None of this stands up now, since this article is claiming al-Qa'ida had nothing to do with the London Bombings. In addition, the Northern Line was running that morning, along with other lines on which Hussain could also have taken a Northern bound train.

    8.50am Tanweer places his rucksack on the floor around 40 seconds after the tube pulls out from Liverpool Street. Twenty feet below Spitalfields' historical streets, the cricketer detonates his device. Yards away, Michael, a consultant, witnesses a 'flash of orange-yellow light and what appeared to be silver streaks, which I think was some of the glass going across.' Then, silence and darkness. Smothered in blood, Michael assumed he was dying.

    Again, speculation. Nobody has publicly said they saw Tanweer, regardless of where he might have placed his rucksack.

    8.51am Khan lowers his rucksack onto the floor next to his carriage's rear sliding doors less than 20 seconds after the train leaves Edgware Road station. Moments later, passengers recall 'an orange fireball' sweeping through carriages. John McDonald, a teacher, standing yards from where Khan killed himself, said: 'Small splintered pieces of glass were sticking in my head and face. I could not breathe; my lungs were burning.' Above ground, London Fire Brigade receive the first emergency call.

    Where is the witness who saw Khan 'lower his rucksack on the floor'? Or indeed, any witness other than Danny Biddle, who states that Khan was sitting with his rucksack on his lap.

    8.53am Lindsay's delayed train leaves King's Cross three minutes after the bombers' agreed deadline for simultaneous detonation. Train 311 has travelled just 261m towards Russell Square when Lindsay detonates his pack 20m below the district of St Pancras. Again, passengers hear a violent bang. For the third time in a matter of minutes, pitch blackness descended on a packed crowd of tube passengers.

    The train sat at the station for four minutes? Why should this be so? For the incorrect train number, see above comment. Again, no eyewitness has stated they saw Lindsay apart from the anonymous person mentioned previously who apparently saw the back of his head when trying to board the train behind him.

    8:55am Panic engulfs train 216, trapped below Paddington Basin. The low groans of the dying are heard. Shrieks emanate from outside carriages as passengers are hurled from the tube by the blast. McDonald sees a man known only as Stan trapped inside the hole where Khan had detonated his device. 'Stan was calm and conscious and looking at me.'

    No other comment to make here other than the continued question of why Khan is definitively described here as the bomber, when this has never been publicly confirmed by the authorities. He is still referred to as a 'suspect'.

    9am A broken-down train having thwarted his intention to catch the Northern Line, Hussain resurfaces, looking bewildered and bemused, onto the King's Cross concourse and stumbles into the first signs of pandemonium. The teenager wanders absent-mindedly into Boots the chemist before leaving the station.

    See above for comment regarding the ability of Hussain to have caught the Northern Line train. The reference to Boots is based on the fact that a CCTV still of Hussain apparently exiting Boots was released the day after the Bali bombings last year. This image was captured at 9am exactly, according to the timestamp. The reference to the 'pandemonium' is presumably regarding the fact that the station was already being evacuated by the time this photo was taken. There are no signs of 'pandemonium' in the picture.

    9:06am Inside train 206, passengers check bodies for a pulse. At least four are deemed dead. As the dust clears, a shaft of light